The Political Oeconomy of a 17th-Century Utopia

Edward H. Thompson
Department of Economics and Management
The University
    Dundee  DD1 4HN

Dundee Discussion Papers in Economics No. 54      November, 1993

  The original version of this paper was presented at the 5th International Conference of the Centre for 17th-Century Studies, University of Durham, in July 1993. It benefited greatly from discussion at the conference, and subsequently with Professor Chatterji of Dundee University. Nevertheless, it was ‘work in progress’, and a more developed version is incorporated in chapter 4 of  J.V. Andreæ: Christianopolis (trans.) E.H. Thompson. International Archives of the History of Ideas, Kluwer Academic Press (1999).

To meet the requirements of a simple web page the original footnotes have been converted into endnotes.

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The Political Oeconomy of a 17th-Century Utopia

When the discipline we know today as 'economics' was being constructed in the mid-18th century, the founding fathers rejected most of the content of the traditional 'political economy': originating in the pre-market economies of classical antiquity and feudal Europe, this amalgam of political, social, legal and ethical concepts was largely irrelevant to the analysis of the emerging market system.

As a very broad generalisation, historians of economic thought have usually either ignored anything much before mercantilism, taking the view that it is simply not economics,[1] or they have combed the earlier work for anticipations of later economic insights. In the latter case Aristotle's discussion of money, Aquinas' analysis of the rate of interest, or Bodin's account of inflation, for example, may be extracted from the non-economic matrix in which they are embedded, but they are of interest mainly to the extent that they prefigure elements in the later history of economics.

The economic problem of scarcity and choice, however, is independent of the economic system. All societies have to deal with the problem, whether or not they make use of price-forming markets to arrive at a solution. If the solutions of the earlier 'political oeconomy' were ethical or political in character, they were nevertheless solutions to the economic problem, and it is the contention of this paper that such solutions may be in principle of intrinsic interest to the modem economist, and not just to the extent that they serve to illuminate the prehistory of market concepts.

This paper attempts to explore the ways in which the economic problem might be solved in a pre-capitalist, pre-market economy in which the methodology is by conventional canons pre-economic or indeed non-economic. In effect, this paper is about the boundaries within which 'economics' is defined.[2] The case selected for examination is the Christianopolis (1619) of Johann Valentin Andreae. This is a description of an ideal society, which has the advantage of abstracting from the real world of mixed economic systems while yet being exceptionally detailed and closely worked out. Andreae’s analysis is amplified by reference to other works such as his comedy Turbo (1616), the dialogue Theophilus (1620, published 1649) and his pamphlets on a Christian Society.[3] This amplification is necessary because Christianopolis is a multidimensional text, easy to misinterpret: like More's Utopia it is at one and the same time an entertainment and a critique of contemporary society; it is a model for the transformation of society at large, and it also provides a blueprint for establishing a small commune of scholar-craftsmen who would withdraw from the world; it may be both a Lutheran alternative to the Jesuit colleges of the counter-reformation, and a Christocentric alternative to the Rosicrucian myth; it is certainly to be understood as a model of the ideal Christian personality.

The tradition to which Andreae belongs predated the market-dominated economy and looked instead for its solutions in the structure of interpersonal relationships. Since its roots are in the classical oike it may be convenient to think of this as the 'Oeconomy', though the analysis of course extended beyond the household to the community at large. The 'Oeconomics' of Andreae and his contemporaries is a combination of theology, politics and sociology, and seems to overlap to considerable degree with what students of Management today know as 'organisational culture'. It seems to provide a way of answering some quite persistent problems of a collectivist system: how, for example, to ensure that in a fraternal community with free-will [4] each works according to his ability when all receive according to their need, how to co-ordinate activity without issuing orders, or how to get the unpleasant work of the community done without the use of servants or slaves.[54

 

It may be convenient to consider Andreae's analysis under four broad headings:

 

I            Organisational Structure

In the ideal community envisaged by Andreae the political relationship between government and governed is a recapitulation of that found in the household between parent and child, and again between husband and wife; in the administration it reappears in the relationship between the leaders of the community and their deputies; and at other levels it is to be found between, say, soul or spirit and body. All of these parallel, and are validated by, the relationship in which Andreae had greatest confidence - that between God and man.

A useful illustration of this is provided by Andreae's discussion of 'Understanding', the wife of the Judge in Christianopolis. Andreae remarks that he has never seen a less credulous woman, nor heard more profound and well-considered words than those she utters; the things which she believes and states are found to be completely certain, and she does nothing without reason. "Her  husband is not at all ashamed to discuss difficult matters with her, and he listens willingly to what she has to say; but he reserves judgment for himself If she is over-inquisitive about matters which are above her, he restrains her, warns her of heaven, and bids her apply her gifts more to her spinning-wheel. Thus they live peacefully and pleasantly under his rule ... "(ch.34)

Evidently this is intended to be understood at a number of levels. It conveys a warning about the limitations to the use of human reason, and its application to the concept of justice, and it is at the same time a statement about the relationship between husband and wife; in the second respect its antecedents clearly go back to the pseudo-Aristotelian (Economica (chap.vii). And it provides Andreae with an occasion to criticise the decadence of contemporary manners.[6]

The typical arrangement in this part of Andreae is in terms of triads or groups of three: the island on which Christianopolis is sited is triangular, and there are three social classes in the community, paralleling both the Trinity and the body-mind-soul aspects of man - Andreae refers to the possibility that Christianopolis may be realised in his own person. Thus the leaders of the community are a triumvirate: the religious leader Abi-albon, the Judge Abiezer, and the scholar Abida. As their names suggest, they are 'fathers' within the community, and they echo the Trinity: Abi-Albon wishes to be regarded as the "servant of God and the (spiritual) father" of Andreae (ch.30) Abiezer is the "paterfamilias of the community and is filled with pleasure when he is called the minister of Christ"; and Abida wishes to be called "a pupil of the Holy Ghost."

This triumvirate also relates to Campanella's three great evils: Tyranny, Sophistry and Hypocrisy.[7] If the objective of Andreae is, following Campanella, to attack these evils, he also follows Campanella in seeing them as rooted in ignorance. Education is therefore central to the programme of Andreae, and there is a two-way relationship between the art or practice of government and that of teaching: "Their teachers are ... very specially chosen from the people who have a high standing in the community, and indeed have very often occupied the highest official positions. For surely no one will take proper care of the young who can not also take care of the community, and he who has shown his ability to manage the young has thereby won approval to govern the community."(ch.51) This link between government and education is symbolised in the architecture of Christianopolis by the citadel near the centre of the community which houses both the government and the college of education. Taking up a cosmic analogy, it is described as the primum mobile that lies between the temple and the working quarters of the community.

There is also an underlying unity that holds Christianopolis together. Both the Christianae societatis imago and the later Verae unionis specimen start with a statement that union is divine, and discord or dissention comes from Satan. Social unity brings with it the need for collective work, and here Andreae suggests that: "although certain experts are appointed for all the activities, yet when men are required for some task no one in the community balks at giving obedience or his labour. For what we are in our households, they are the same in their community, which they not unreasonably think of as a single household. "(ch.22} The point is one which Andreae makes elsewhere, for example in: "the commune is as it were all one single workshop, albeit with all sorts of different craftsmen."(ch.16) Hence there can be no private property, no exchange, and no need of money within Christianopolis; housing is owned collectively, as is capital equipment, each craftsman being issued with whatever tools he requires from a central store; and of course there can be no markets, nor any use of the market mechanism to resolve economic problems.

It seems clear that Andreae distrusted what we should now regard as economic behaviour: in the comedy Turbo it is the Antichrist who urges his followers to pursue their own self-interest, to concern themselves with the movements of the stock-exchange, to buy cheap and sell dear; and it is Antichrist who suggests that 'business acumen' be adopted as a mask or euphemism for 'robbery'.

Interestingly, however, his position is modified if we look outside the ideal community. Christianopolis mints coins for external use, and Andreae approves of commerce in the surplus produce of the community when "the true value of trade becomes clear, which has regard not to monetary gain but to the variety of things. "(ch.10) - in modern language, the object of trade is to maximise utility rather than money profit. There is a distributional aspect to this, since through trade the gifts which were given to all mankind are "are put into a common stock ... made available to each individual"(10), but when Andreae develops the point elsewhere (e.g. in Verae unionis specimen) it is clear that his concern is with the interdependence and unity of mankind.

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II. Behavioural Rules

 

A. The Government

The behaviour of the leaders of Christianopolis is determined by a rule which is effectively: Do as you would be done by. In the pamphlet Verae unionis specimen (1628) Andreae argued that the community he proposed to establish needed no essential guiding principle beyond the New Testament rule 'what you wish for yourself; that do for your brother'. This was equally present in his Christianopolis a decade before. For example, the Judge "does nothing to anyone that he would not wish to have done to himself; and what he wishes for himself he obtains for everyone. "(ch.33) Similarly Andreae observes of the leadership that "they are all fatherly in spirit, rather than authoritarian ... Whatever they order others to perform, that they themselves also do; they lead less by voice than by their example. Nothing is easier than following this example, nothing more freely given than this obedience"(ch.21) [8] In its application to education, which is a model for government, this results in the view that teachers should prefer to stimulate their pupils as free agents with pleasantness, kindness and generous treatment rather than with threats, blows and various kinds of harsh treatment.

 

B. The Governed

The rule for subordinates is one of willing - one might say, proactive - ­obedience. The general rule can be found in the political creed of the community: “We strive to show love to our elders, and to support them; to show respect to those above us, care for our equals, moderation towards those entrusted to our charge, labour to the community and a good example to future generations, and in reciprocal service to fulfill the duties of Christian charity."(ch.29) So the Theologian does not look down on his subordinate the Deacon, but the latter looks up to him; he does not load his assistant with tasks and press down on him, but the latter eases the burden of his superior; the Theologian does not give orders, but the Deacon is obedient to him.

And again the conclusion is understood to be part of a general principle: “Although they do not differ much in age, what is shown here is exactly the sort of mutual love that there ought to be between a father and his son".(ch.32) It is of course analogous to the relationship between God and man, where there is both free will and obedience: “Christian freedom needs neither commandments nor threats, but moves of its own will. " in the appropriate direction.(ch.18)

 

C. Submission

There is also a general obligation to be submissive. It eases the task of the Aeconomus - a steward or manager [9] - who sees to the equitable allocation of supplies to members of the community, for "no one claims special rights over the food or demands more dishes than are commensurate with the season and the customs of the community"(ch.35} Similarly production is kept up even though they have very limited working hours because everyone thinks it infamous “to take more than the permitted amount of leisure"(ch.16)

Submissiveness, albeit to God, is also how leaders are identified - "The more one is ruled by God's will, the more suitable he is judged to be to rule over others."(ch.18), and it is part of the test that must be passed by potential members of the community: when he landed on the island Andreae's examiners wanted to know what he had learned «of selfmastery, of service to his brother, of rebelling against the world, of resignation to death, of submission of the spirit."

These characteristics serve to identify the servants of the community as well as its rulers. There is no slavery[11], and there are few servants, in Christianopolis and the consequence is that «where slavery is absent, nothing is left that the human body finds wearisome - nothing burdensome or exhausting”(ch.16) Paradoxically, then, because there is no slavery the citizens of Christianopolis have no difficulty in performing the collective tasks of slaves or servants, and some take it further with the idea of 'Christian Poverty' or 'Sacred Poverty', an extreme form of resignation and submission. These individuals may be related to the Buthrescae of More's Utopia - " It is not enough for Christians to be good in accordance with the precepts of Ethics and Political Science ... 'sacred poverty' [l2] is the name given to the achievement of those who ... renounce even the things of this world that are permitted. Those people who join this group unlearn everything, abandon everything, and suffer everything ... whatever gifts of God they have they hand over to the community, holding back nothing for themselves. "

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III. Controls

Christianopolis is set in the world as it is, with all its dangers and imperfec­tions. Alongside the proper concerns of the community "(the truth of the Christian religion, the cultivation of virtue, and the ways in which the mind can be sharpened)[13] there is the need for treaties, war, trade, buildings and supplies."(ch.27) So there is an armoury containing weapons of war, and treasury containing the financial sinews of war; in the scantily furnished accommodation of the Christianopolitans there are weapons, ready to defend the community. Of course this is partly a metaphor, just as the lighting on the streets at night is: the faith must be defended at all times. But it is also part of a perfectly realistic response to the problems of life in the 17th century. There is a moat and there are bastions, with lookouts on duty day and night; fire was an even more serious danger than war, so, as in More's Utopia tII,120,32-33}, the buildings are made of brick and there are fire walls at regular intervals. Trade with outsiders, as in Plato's Republic, is the province of specialists who free the rest of the community from this burden.

Some of Andreae’s political institutions also arise in relation to human frailty or weakness, the imperfect world as it is: "certainly it has to be acknowledged that human nature can not be completely driven out anywhere. So if it does not heed repeated warnings, or if necessary serious rebukes, then it must be beaten back by more severe measures."(ch.19)[14] Practical politics, based on the experience of human tyranny, suggests that the government be headed by a triumvirate because Christianopolis does not match the divine structure perfectly: "Although there are many advantages to a monarchy ... they distrust human moderation ... There are experiences close to hand, and the more a man is prone to tyranny and dissipation, the sadder such experiences are. Here surely a triumvirate is the safest, to which only the best and most experienced people in the community are admitted after they have progressed up though all the levels of virtue. "(ch.27)

Power is therefore distributed between the members of a triumvirate not only because it parallels the Trinity, but also because it is a safer political structure. "Each of these (three) leaders carries out the duties of his office, though not without the knowledge of the others; they all take counsel together where the safety of the community is concerned. Each of them has a council, but on certain days they all come together to reach a general agreement on matters of the highest importance. "(ch.27)

 

In some respects the community is dominated by technological processes: the citizens are accommodated in a series of buildings laid out in concentric squares which reflect functional specialisation and a hierarchy of activities. Where basic production is concerned, the four-square structure embodies the technological processes of the community (agriculture and stock-rearing; milling and baking; butchery and boiling; smelting and firing). As the diagram shows,[15] there is a flow of resources and processes around the structure (grain goes via mills to the bakery, livestock goes via the slaughterhouse to the kitchens). There are also technological links, such as grain milling, timber milling and metal grinding (processes which utilise 'motion without heat' or baking and wine-making (which share the use of yeast and heat). Kilns in which bricks and pottery are fired are adjacent to the bakery, while the section which melts metal and glass is adjacent to the part in which meat is boiled and stewed. Co-ordination of decisions between the people in charge of productive areas appears to be through shared deputies (see endnote17).

 

Deeper within the community, at the level of craft production, the same square layout relates to the four materials (metal, stone, wood and textiles) and two levels of skill with which craftsmen work. At the heart of the community is a circular temple surrounded by the college or citadel which is also square in plan, housing the eight academic departments on which Christianopolitan education centres. That is, the structure embodies technological relationships - but it also reflects other, theological purposes.

Consider the four-square defences. The square layout of the community is reminiscent of that to be found in Dürer's plan for an ideal city (1527), an out-of-date defensive structure for 1619, when a polygonal arrangement had come into vogue. Andreae was well aware of its military inadequacies: 'The most important thing in fortification is not to leave any point on the wall which can not be supported from one, two or several others. So to this end ... triangular structures please few architects, square ones scarcely any... ' (Collectaneorum Mathematicorum Decades XI 82)[16] That is, the architecture of Christianopolis, and its vaunted impregnability, are to some extent symbolic, a metaphor.

In the middle of each range of buildings, and on the corners of each square, there are towers which house the leaders of the community. The authorities can thus be grouped into sets of four leaders and their deputies; they make up a mathematically-expert meritocracy, and they administer a rationally-planned economy; for example, the Aeconomus who ensures "that no-one receives less than his share ... has the greatest skill in calculating the annual supply of foodstuffs that will be sufficient for the people so that they will never go hungry, but will also never feed lavishly, placing their spirit in bondage. "(ch.35) The supplies to be used are divided up according to the year's harvest, then issued each week according to the number of families.

This is akin to the Socialist Accounting of the early days of the Soviet Union, and understandably all members of the administration have to be expert mathematicians. At the same time they serve as the moral and religious leaders of the four sectors of the community.[17] There may be something of Calvinist Geneva in this aspect of the text, which combines renaissance town planning with the New Jerusalem; there are certainly also echoes of the Carthusian monastery. The triumvirate is fitted a little awkwardly into the four-square structure[18] by the addition of the Chancellor, who seems to be both the deputy of the Scholar Abida and also the one who mediates between the supreme authority and the people: “The governors of the community - those in charge of Religion, Justice and Learning - have their seat here. and they have the Chancellor added as their spokes­man "(ch.26). “The Chancellor announces all the decisions of the triumvirate, publicises them and broadcasts them; for this he requires the greatest skill and trust­worthiness".(ch.27) His relationship to the community is asserted to be like that of Christ to the universe “in that he lays open all hidden things and reveals all secret hiding places. "(ch.37)

There is some indication that there is supervision at the level of the apartment block by a kind of concierge-cum-paterfamilias "Each house has a single entrance, which the head of the household is in charge of  (ch.23). To judge by Theophilus (11) such people would be responsible for censuring backsliders and praising the more pious, sober, modest and industrious citizens in their building. At this level too there is a reminder of compulsion to maintain standards where "[the apartments] are kept up, moreover, at the general expense and careful inspectors are provided lest anything be thoughtlessly damaged or altered"(ch.23) While they are not much stressed, there are penalties and punishments in Christianopolis.

Christianopolis is not conceived of as a lotus-eating arcadia. To return to the economic problem, scarcity is not avoided by shifting the frontiers of production out towards abundance; rather it has to be overcome by a combination of restraint in consumption, and a universal obligation to work. This is not unusual in authoritarian regimes in times of crisis, but Andreae’s ideal has willing restraint in consumption as the normal condition, along with a voluntary desire to work ­almost the complete antithesis of modern economic attitudes which (in Jevonian terms) oppose the pleasure of consumption to the pain of working.

"Work, or as they prefer to call it, 'the exercise of the hands"'[19] is regarded as a necessity for the health of the body, and "is done to a plan, and everything that is produced is taken to a common store. It helps that there is a balance of labour and rest which strengthens the people, so they always go to their work with alacrity." By contrast in Turbo the Antichrist promotes the view that "Whoever can possibly do so in any way, should be an idler, as is proper for a free-born man. If one can not do this from one's own resources, one should seek out a parasitic relationship as a dependent of another person".

The planning procedure is not described in any detail, but The master of each craft receives sufficient supplies of material from the storehouse for the work of the next seven days ... The people in charge of this business live in the smaller towers built at the corners, and they know in advance what is to be produced, in what quantity and form, and they advise the craftsmen accordingly (ch.16).

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 IV. Education

The requisite behaviour is also to be produced in Christianopolis by education, whose function is not merely to eliminate undesirable traits, but also to form desirable ones. When Andreae visits the college in Christianopolis he finds "a school which was much more spacious and attractive than one would believe. It was divided into eight lecture theatres where the young people, the most precious thing that the community has in its care, are moulded and shaped to God, nature, reason and the public good. "(ch.51) This 'moulding and shaping' is a recurrent theme: the role of the teachers in Christianopolis is one of «moulding these young people who constitute a miniature community - which will be the successor to the greater one. " This is why the selection of teachers is so important, for they have to be worthy to be “entrusted with the most important part of the future safety of the community."(ch.5) And in a similar passage in the dialogue Theophilus "For to raise the youth properly is to form or reform the state itself (Theophilus III, p.90)[20] Contrast this with the cynical view of Antichrist in Turbo that “Careful bringing-up of children is to be avoided, since it destroys the innate nobility of their spirit."

Examples and role-models are also stressed: there is no lack of incentives to effort “for among these citizens there are so many examples of friends of God that are very frequently held up and impressed in various ways on the minds of young people, that every noble spirit burns like a glowing coal to imitate them "(ch.18} In addition the temple at the centre of the community doubles as a theatre in which religious dramas are performed to fix their ideas more firmly in the minds of the youth. Moreover, “there are pictures and statues of famous men with their manly or noble deeds to be seen everywhere, no mean encouragement to the young to strive after virtue. "(ch.48} To put this into context, we should perhaps remember that in Campanella's Città del Sole the character of future children can be moulded by having pregnant mothers look upon suitable statues and paintings.

 

 

Conclusion

The strength of this model is that it can be read in both directions. One can take Christianopolis to be a simplification or illustration of theological relationships. But one can also read it the other way, as a series of statements about government, society or the economy which are validated by reference to their theological parallels.

Whether or not the kind of community he visualised is feasible is anyone's guess. It certainly came close to being initiated in England under the Commonwealth, as did a number of other schemes. The solution to the economic problem of scarcity and choice lies in a combination of measures to ensure that the community is viewed by its members as a family, the town as a household, and the economy as a single workshop. Clearly the system would require what Games Theorists would call 'Joint Commitment' to produce group bonding, and it would seem that Andreae anticipated the need to exclude unsuitable adults from the community by a rigorous triple examination of all newcomers, as well as ensuring that children born within the community are educated or indoctrinated so as to produce altruistic future members. There is no private property to speak of, no exchange, no price-forming markets within the community; insofar as anything resembling trade takes place, its benefits are not so much enhanced consumption possibilities but rather an increased awareness of human interdependence and unity.[21]

Andreae then operates largely on what may be called the supply side: his concern appears to be with ensuring that those who are able and willing to produce do so. As to demand, this is subject to a kind of self-restraint. The 'true needs' of more recent writers like Marcuse (food, clothing, shelter at the available level of technology) are to be met at levels which appear to owe a great deal to monastic practice - the materials for four dishes a day are issued from a central store, each individual has two suits of clothing (simple, comfortable, non-fashionable), housing is in three-roomed apartments clearly modelled on a plan illustrated in Collectanearum Mathematicarum (pl. 79) as suitable for modest habitation.

Any surplus supplies are utilised not for increased individual consumption, but for the exercise of craftsmanship and the faculty of invention; this may lead to a kind of collective consumption, if the output is devoted to the decoration of the central temple of the community; or it may be seen as scientific advance, which is a way of uncovering the creator in His creation.

Perhaps there can be a collective understanding as to how much time each person should spend at work, in study or in prayer, and a collective restraint on consumption. If Andreae is correct in his view that each individual, under suitable conditions, will wish to exercise all three aspects of his being, then there is no need of material incentives to work - the individual will wish to work, just as he also wishes to relax, to study or to engage in worship. There need not be a 'free-rider' problem in such circumstances, and (to borrow the terminology of collectivist economics) in his 'Oeconomy' Andreae may have been groping towards a model which needs neither the 'economic levers' of the market system nor the 'administrative levers' of planned or command systems.  

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Endnotes

[1]  Heimann made the point clearly in 1945: "... as long as the prevailing type of economic system was the authoritarian planned economy [including feudalism] there was no need for, or possibility of, a special science of economics." Marxists of course would place greater emphasis on the absence of wage labour in pre-capitalist economies.

[2]  The position taken here is in effect that the emergence of 'economics' (as we now use the term) to replace the earlier 'political economy' was in reality a shift in the research programme or paradigm rather than the birth of a new discipline.

[3]  Christianae societatis imago and Christiani amoris dextera porrecta (1620); Verae unionis in Christo Jesu specimen (1628)

[4]  According to Andreae the law of God and the gospel of Christ "never at any time praise the rule of men over each other, but always encourage the fraternal community which has been ordained." (Christianopolis, chapter 21), hereafter referred to as (ch.21). All references have been retranslated from the original; the only English version of Christianopolis by Held (1917) is seriously flawed.

[5] As a sceptical French critic put it in connexion with a later Utopian scheme: Et qui videra les pots de chambre?

[6] In the Netherlands at this time women seem to have achieved a considerable degree of economic independence; by contrast, in parts of Italy some women were kept in a kind of purdah. See e.g. Fynes Moryson Itinerary vol.1V pp. 58, 95-6, 468

[7] It is to escape from Tyranny, Sophistry and Hypocrisy that Andreae voyages to Christianopolis; they also occur in his Mythologiae (VI,16), where Campanella is described as engaged in a battle against Ignorance, the bastion of the triple evils of Tyranny, Sophistry and Hypocrisy. As Montgomery observes (p.49 n.116) Andreae met this idea before when he translated Campanella's sonnet Delle radici de'gran mali del mondo, including the verse: 10 nacqui a debellar tre mali estremi/ Tirannide, sofismi, ipocrisia:/ Ond'or m'accorgo con quanta armonia/ Possanza, senno, am or m'insegno Temi

It may be noted that 'Possanza', 'senno' and 'amor' in line 4 match up with 'Pon', 'Sin' and 'Mor', the three rulers (under 'Hoh') of Campanella's 'Utopia', the Citta del Sole; evidently they correspond to Abiezer, Abida and Abi-Albon.

[8] He makes the same point again with "Nothing gives orders more effectively, and nothing renders obedience more promptly, than love"(ch.32}

[9] Held translated publicus economus' as 'state economist'; exciting as it would be to have this early use of the term, this is not what the words mean. In Andreae's day 'oeconomus, economus, aeconomus, yconomus' still meant a steward or estate manager.

[10] This may be compared with Article V of the Knights of the Golden Stone in Andreae’s Chymische Hochzeit: "You shall not be willing to live longer than God will have you".

[11] Slaves, some of whom are purchased abroad and some Utopian citizens undergoing punishment, are essential to take care of work thought to be intrinsically unpleasant or degrading in More's Utopia. Similarly there is more than a suggestion that the heavier agricultural work in Campanella's ideal Città del Sole is to be carried out by slave-gangs working under armed overseers.

[12] Elsewhere Andreae uses 'resignation' (Die Gelassenheit) to explain the principles of 'Christian Poverty' Civis Christianus Chap. L 'Pauperies'

[13] These are the provinces of the Theologian, the Judge and the Scholar respectively.

[14] It is the function of the Judge "to make just use of standards of measurement, weights and quantities, and to administer the exact proportion of things. He believes that his aft applies to anything to do with taming mankind and thoroughly subduing the old Adam".

[15] The diagrams are taken from Andreae, with added translations superimposed.

[16] The Collectaneorum also depicts Speckle's 'perfect' system of fortification, with twelve bastions and redoubts on the wall round the city, and six bastions surrounding the inner citadel. Andrea: borrowed this arrangement (see diagram 2) in the Christenburg to represent features of the Lutheran faith.

[17] This pattern corresponds to the arrangement described in Chap. 4 in which the four directors of production occupy the great towers in the middle of each range. and their four deputies inhabit the smaller towers at the corners of the community. Each director shares two deputies, and each deputy assists two directors. This appears to be how Andreae thought decisions might be co-ordinated.

[18] The difficulty of reconciling triangle and square, triad and tetrad was one with which Andreae's contemporaries were very familiar. for example in chemistry and medicine where one of the competing models favoured three elements (mercury, sulphur and salt) and the other four (air, earth, water, fire).

[19] The term parallels that used in the Rule of St Benedict 'the work of the hands' (opus manuum).

[20] 'spacious and attractive ... moulded and shaped ... form or reform' are typical of Andreae’s wordplay - "spatiosissimam et speciosissimam ... inflectitur et reflectitur ... efformare aut reformare" in the original. Behind the word-games, however, is a serious purpose.

[21] As in the waistcoat associated with the followers of St-Simon, which buttoned down the back and required the assistance of another member of the group to fasten up or remove.

 

 

 

Bibliography

 

Andreae, J.V. Collectaneorum Mathematicorum Decades XI. Centum et decem tabulis Aeneis exhibitae Tubingae Typis Iohan.Alexandri Celli. (1614)

Andreae, J.V. Turbo. In Theatrum Productum. Helicone, juxta Parnassum (1616)

Andreae, J.V. Mythologiae Christianae, sive Virtutum et vitiorum vitae humanae imaginum libri tres Argentorati, Sumpt. Haered. Laz. Zezneri (1619)

Andreae, J.V. Reipublicae Christianopolitanae descriptio Argentorati, Sumptibus haer . Laz. Zetzneri (1619)

Andreae, J.V. Christianae Societatis .Imago etc in G H Turnbull 'Johann Valentin Andreae's Societas Christiana' Zeitschrift fur Deutsche Philologie 73 (1954) pp 407-32;

A Modell of a Christian Society etc tr John Hall in 'Of the Advantageous Reading of History' (1647; 1658) G H Turnbull 'Johann Valentin Andreae's Societas Christiana' Zeitschrift fur Deutsche Philologie 74 (1955) pp 151-85

Andreae, J.V. Verae unionis in Christo Jesu specimen Nürnberg n.p .(1628)

Andreae, J.V. Theophilus (Latin Stutdgardiae typis Matthiae Kauttii 1649; German trans Oehler, Heilbronn, 1878) ed Richard van Dülmen (Stuttgart, 1973)

Andreae, J.V. Die Christenburg ms Georg Bernhard Biilffinger transcription D. Carl Griineisen (1620?) in Zeitschrift fur Historische Theologie vol.6 1836 pp. 231-312

Campanella, T. La Città del Sole trans. Elliott and Millner (London, 1981)

Montgomery, J. W. (The Hague, 1973) Cross and Crucible. Johann Valentin Andreae (1586­1654) Phoenix of the Theologians 2 vols.

More, St Thomas Complete Works vol.4 Utopia ed. Surtz & Hexter (Yale 1965)

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