Chapter 21. Vipassana Contemplation, Democracy and the Politics of Influence. From the book `Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics: Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy' by Gustaaf Houtman

Chapter 21
Vipassana contemplation,
democracy and the politics
of wisdom and purity

In Burma, nibbana was democratised under the U Nu government, i.e. brought within reach of every person through the vipassana centres. Thereby the concept of knowledge and wisdom has been redistributed also. The current regime may not have human rights, but it does not mind pre-occupation with nibbana on the part of the individual person. What it does mind is that the wisdom realised could possibly be in disagreement with theirs. King Mindon, U Hpo Hlaing, U Nu and the General Secretary of the United Nations U Thant were all reformers, and were all what we might call ‘internationalists’ – they had a broad view of identity and never conceived of Burma as an enclosed hermit land. They were also practitioners of vipassana. Aung San Suu Kyi and many other NLD members are working hard to prise open hermit-land, but it is a difficult task for which vipassana is one of the only instruments available under the political conditions that still pertain in Burma today.

Wisdom

During July 1998, Aung San Suu Kyi made repeated attempts to meet members of her party in different parts of the country, but was obstructed by the regime. While Aung San Suu Kyi was in her car, the regime wrote that it alone had the necessary wisdom to guard life within its realm.

The regime's proclamation that it alone had the wisdom to safeguard Aung San Suu Kyi's life, is a parody of what they know a government needs, namely ‘wisdom’ [pva]. The irony is that this is self-evidently what the regime does not possess for wisdom is not bounded by the boundaries of race or culture. Nevertheless, this statement shows that wisdom, having long been a requirement of government (see App. I.2), is a particularly desirable quality. In short, the regime greatly hankers to be seen to be wise.

Why is it that members of the regime cannot convince that they have attained ‘wisdom’? It is because, so Tin U argues, its active members do not practice vipassana, and so can have little wisdom. Indeed, the regime does have military intelligence, but could not even predict its own failure in the elections. Furthermore, its attempts to delineate racial, linguistic and cultural mappings of the people is evidence that it is doing the opposite – it is creating an environment of compartments and frameworks, a confrontational environment that is not consonant with vernacular, or indeed cross-culturally operative ideas of wisdom. In this respect, the regime is out of touch with the core Burmese value system that links wisdom to mental culture.

Vipassana is characterised as a practice which leads to ‘wisdom’ [pañña, pva], and in particular ‘transcendental wisdom’ [lokuttara pañña], which means ‘intuitive knowledge of ultimate truth’,[4] the highest wisdom possible leading to nibbana. The Visuddhimagga defines wisdom as ‘insight knowledge (vipassana-nyana) associated with wholesome states of consciousness’ [kuqiul\sit\NHc\.yH¨\eqa pvakiuqalH¥c\ Siukun\AM.x kuqiul\sit\NHc\.yH¨\eqa wipœnaÆa%\qv\ pvamv\fX]. Mastered to perfection by the Buddha (as part of the Ten

(c) ILCAA 1999 - Gustaaf Houtman. Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics. ILCAA Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia & Africa Monograph Series 33, Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, 1999, ISBN 4-87297-748-3, p337/392

Perfections (parami) of all Buddhas) who taught vipassana as its principal path to enlightenment, the vipassana traditions are therefore often characterised as ‘wisdom traditions’. Technically speaking, ‘wisdom’ is the third and final stage in the Noble Eightfold Path, after morality and concentration, namely the attainment of ‘Right Aim’ and ‘Right View’.

Wisdom is an important element in Aung San Suu Kyi's ideas. Monks provide her with ‘words of wisdom’ [H6], human beings must ‘strive to attain enlightenment’ and ‘use their wisdom to teach others’ [Q2], lack of wisdom on the part of government leads to refugee crises [Q1], and Burma's deterioration since WWII is attributable to the country being ‘ruled by men without integrity or wisdom’ [Y13]. Furthermore, if the Burmese can ‘persevere with wisdom’, this will ‘overcome complacency’ of the people will help to ‘achieve success’ in the fight for democracy [Q3]. It is closely related also to the concept of understanding, about which Aung San Suu Kyi has said ‘if there was understanding, in fact, there would be few problems’ [Q4].

I will come back to the concept of wisdom later, as it is a crucial element in Burmese politics, as indeed in politics everywhere. Suffice to note here two points. First, that Aung San is generally portrayed as having acted out of wisdom, and to have avoided physical force. Thus Kyaw Zaw attributed to scholars the view that ‘Bogyoke, in building the country used only wisdom and never used power (or) force’.[5] Second, the wisdom Aung San Suu Kyi describes is of a particular kind. It is the outcome of vipassana practice, that it must be based on ‘morality’ (sila) and ‘concentration’ (samadhi), and for it to be effective it must be balanced with and accompanied by other mental qualities, in particular the mental quality of ‘awareness’ (sati).

It is extremely important to appreciate this idea that vipassana practise, and the wisdom derived from it, are not some escape from or denial of the world, as the Weberian and some Buddhological models of Buddhism hold.[6] The practise of vipassana is firmly constructed over and above what are mundane (loki) Buddhist preliminary practices, namely charity, morality and concentration; this turns the practice into more than ‘escape’ from the world, for their preliminary practice helps to attain final release from the constraints of the world, and permits reform, refinement and ethicising one's own position in society without fear of the consequences of doing so. In this way, wisdom is necessary for remedying world-wide problems, including the refugee crisis [Q1]. Through vipassana is produced ‘greatness’ [C23].

NLD practice, mediation and purity of mind

Vipassana is by far the most important and most highly regarded spiritual practice that Aung San Suu Kyi is involved in. As already noted, this practice is closely followed also by her personal advisor U Win Htein, and by her principal colleagues U Tin U and U Kyi Maung [R1]. The special role of vipassana in the democracy movement is furthermore evident in the intercession by vipassana teacher Rewadatta Dhamma in the only mediated peace talks attempted since 1989, until the UN representative began its peace talks in January 1998. Vipassana is also evident, as already noted, in the frequenting of the Mahasi Thathana Yeiktha by military leaders. This practice is of great importance, paradoxically at one and the same time, to comprehend the ideology of purity and reform of the democracy movement, and yet also the mechanism of control which the regime exercises within the country and to control Burmese elements outside the country.

I have already noted that the ultimate reward of samatha and byama-so tayà is attainment of ultimate power belonging to rebirth in the Brahma heavens as part of the ‘wheel of transmigration’ or ‘wheel of loki’. However, the ultimate goal of vipassana traditions is a radical exit from the ‘wheel of transmigration’ itself. Because of the control the regime feels they have attained over mundane affairs (loki) they are not worried that people should seek ‘transcendental wisdom’ – it does not lead to control or power, and does not lead to militant nationalism. Though it would not appear to greatly upset the order as they have imposed it, nevertheless, historically we know that the greatest exponents of government reform have at the same time been practitioners of this method. There is no doubt that Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD are challenging the regime's attempt to monopolise loki, and that the Burmese people have started to apply the techniques of transcendental wisdom to effect change in their mundane existence under a restrictive polity.

The role of a human being, according to Aung San Suu Kyi, is to strive ‘to achieve enlightenment’ and ‘to use the wisdom that is gained to serve others, so that they too might be free from suffering’ [Q2]. For Aung San Suu Kyi herself, the highest aspiration is ‘very much a spiritual one’, namely ‘purity of mind’ [V1]. In expressing this aspiration she puts the state of arahant at the pinnacle of human achievement: ‘I doubt that anybody who is not an arahant [enlightened one] could actually say, “There's no impurity in me.” But … for people brought up in Buddhism, I don't think it's so difficult, because we have our concepts of greed, hatred and ignorance which create impurity … anything you can trace to ill-will and greed, that is impure …’ [V2].

Aung San Suu Kyi's idea about ‘purity of mind’ – i.e. freedom from mental defilements – as the highest goal of human beings, and, indeed, of herself, is entirely related to the practice of mental culture, for in the Burmese context this is perceived as the only way to suspend, and in the case of vipassana practice, permanently uproot mental ‘impurities’ or ‘defilements’ (kilesas) and to attain the state of arahant.[7] This in turn, transcends loki, for vipassana punctures the loki as defined by the regime through their tight control over loki pañña. The result is that the military are left, like Mara (as representing loki) attacking the Buddha (as representing lokuttara) in order to keep the people from leaving loki. So Aung San Suu Kyi realises that purification of herself can only guarantee her an ever-stronger political following.

Aung San Suu Kyi's encounter with vipassana

When asked how she learnt meditation, Aung San Suu Kyi recounts how she began with the Mahasi Sayadaw in her twenties, which would be some time between 1966-76, at the same centre which U Nu set up in the 1940s, and where Tin U also practised later.

She is known to have visited the Chanmye Yeiktha Sayadaw[8] prior to her house arrest, who is a renowned vipassana teacher and pupil of the Mahasi Sayadaw.[9] She then proceeded more seriously with another Mahasi pupil, namely U Pandita, during the period of house arrest:

It is interesting that Aung San Suu Kyi, like many Burmese intellectuals steeped in reading foreign literature, should come to familiarise herself with Burmese vipassana traditions through the English medium whilst there is such vast literature on the subject in Burmese.[11] This is indicative of the role of vipassana at the interface with other countries, and it affirms the role of vipassana centres as the only Burmese establishments to represent Burma abroad alongside the Burmese embassy. This is a legacy we have already noted in the case of U Hpo Hlaing, who did the opposite, namely he sought to bring foreign political ideas into Burmese government while engaged in practising and writing about vipassana.

Aung San Suu Kyi's personal statement of her interest in vipassana is further elaborated in ‘Teachers’, one of her ‘Letters from Burma’, from which it becomes clear that she first met U Pandita

Apart from ‘right speech’ her letter describes how U Pandita, whom she paid several visits at his monastery, [13] urged her to pay particular attention to sati, which unlike other spiritual qualities such as faith, energy, concentration and wisdom, ‘can never be in excess’ [R3].

This practice, called insight meditation, helped her to become focused and clam and to understand her mental habits. As a Buddhist, Suu Kyi had learned to observe herself ‘from outside' and to recognize her own imperfections of character. Daily meditation during house arrest helped her understand herself even better.[14]

U Pandita, Aung San Suu Kyi's vipassana teacher, received in 1996 the NLD offering of kathina robes at his new Panditarama monastery, permitting enjoyment by the opposition of ‘a small, precious spiritual respite’ while under the thumb of an authoritarian regime.[15]

Awareness (sati)

The practice of ‘awareness’, known as sati (qti, Pali sati), and sometimes also translated as ‘mindfulness’ or ‘attention’,[16] is at the heart of all vipassana traditions in Burma, and this concept is much used by NLD leaders.

Sati is the first of the Seven Enlightenment Factors (the others are investigation, effort, rapture, tranquillity, concentration and equanimity). It logically precedes the others since the direct perception of reality to which sati gives rise, makes it indispensable to all the other factors. It stops negative emotional states, characterised as mental defilements, from developing from the point of contact with the senses.

Sati, as the seventh element in the Noble Eightfold Path, also belongs to the second phase of the Noble Eightfold Path, namely Concentration (together with Right Effort and Right Concentration).

Supposedly, the last exhortation before the Buddha passed away was on mindfulness, and it is generally accepted that Emperor Asoka of India was motivated to become Buddhist because of the following passage on mindfulness:

The Mahasi technique that Tin U and Aung San Suu Kyi practise is often referred to as the satipatthana or ‘awareness’ technique which is ‘the clear and single-minded awareness of what actually happens to us and in us, at the successive moments of perception … either through the five physical senses or through the mind which, for Buddhist thought, constitutes the sixth sense’:

Sati accomplishes, in combination with metta and karuna, protection of oneself and others:

And how does one, by protecting others, protect oneself? By patience, by a non-violent life, by lovingkindness and compassion.[19]

Mindfulness is often described as a way of ‘self-reliance’ and ‘self-help’, as it does not require ‘initiation’, ‘esoteric knowledge’, or ‘any elaborate technique or external devices’, having ‘the daily life … as its working material’. It is also described as a form of ‘self-liberation’, which needs no ‘saving divine grace’ or ‘mediation by priests’. These contribute to the view of mindfulness as ‘an island’, as the Buddha said to Ananda just prior to his death:

Through the awareness of impermanence (anicca), vipassana prepares people for arrest and for prison. In particular Tin U would practise, not just in prison, but also in preparation for his rearrest [C11]. It was the development of ‘awareness’ (sati) whilst in prison that made him stop his ‘blind obedience’ and which accomplished his transformation to a democrat; he believes it would work similarly for regime members were they to practise it [R4].

However, beyond a technical term, the concept of ‘awareness’ is also extended to mean the idea of ‘good friends’ who work to increase one's awareness by pointing out one's faults with an attitude of sympathetic joy (mudita) and loving-kindness (metta).[21] Just like the enemy is internalized, so is the friend. This is how NLD Tin U can characterise, while incarcerated in solitary confinement, how he ‘had a friend in prison, myself, my mindfulness’.[22] As he also put it, ‘as a Buddhist, I firmly believe that oneself is one's enemy or one's friend. This is very Buddhist, that from one's mind the world originates’.[23] This of course, has been asserted by vipassana teachers such as U Pandita who says that ‘practising the Dhamma, you truly care for yourself, protect yourself, and act as your own best friend.’2 If friends bring awareness, the idea of ‘friend’ is also closely related to the meditation teacher, who is known as a kalyana metta [E22].

This concept of ‘awareness’ has, furthermore, also been extended to the idea of political opposition, for ‘the opposition in a democracy plays the role of Devadatta for any legal government. It stops the ruling party from going astray by constantly pointing out its every mistake’ [Y1]. Political opposition therefore means increased awareness; conversely, not practising mindfulness, not having ‘good friends’, and not allowing an opposition, means not having the necessary ‘awareness’ to rule (i.e. ignorance). And ignorance is at the root of misgovernance.

Aung San Suu Kyi has argued that the struggle for democracy is a struggle ‘for a change in our everyday life’ [Y23]. The awareness advocated in the Mahasi techniques, is a superior awareness of everyday life.

While under house arrest, Aung San Suu Kyi felt her progress was limited until she had access to the book In this very life written by U Pandita (first published in English in 1992), from which she recalled the preaching of this monk which emphasized ‘mindfulness’ [C24]. She integrated meditation eventually into her daily schedule, meditating first thing in the morning for one hour after arising at 4:30 a.m.

Aung San Suu Kyi responds to the suggestions some have made of her as a ‘female bodhisattva’ by saying

that she is ‘nowhere near such a state’. She has a temper, but vipassana practice (like metta) has proved beneficial to control her anger through improved ‘awareness’ [C25].

In relation to the concept of evil, her views are that it is not an embodied essence, but the problem of embodiment itself. Evil represents ignorance (‘stupidity’) combined with ‘greed’ and ‘anger’.[24] This can only be cut through by means of meditation and by fostering ‘awareness’, which she has discovered in relation to dealing with her own anger [C25]. Awareness is also important for leaders to keep on their toes and to avoid self-deception [R5].

The issue of uprooting fear (rather than temporarily suspending it) was addressed by U Pandita in In this very life. He views it as a result vipassana practice, a view Aung San Suu Kyi had not quite understood at the time her book Freedom from fear came out. According to U Pandita, Mara's Sixth Army is known as ‘fear’ itself,[25] and only vipassana leads to the final solution to fear as it leads to a ‘safe haven’, namely nibbana, where ‘not a single danger, nothing fearful, remains’, for ‘old age and death are conquered’, ‘the burden of suffering falls’, and ‘a person who reaches nibbana is completely protected and can therefore be called “The Fearless”, the one without danger’. This is attained ‘even before arriving at the perfect safety of nibbana’, for ‘one is protected from fearful things while walking the Noble Eightfold Path’, so that ‘this path itself is the haven’.[26]

In response to the question ‘What does Buddhist meditation mean to you?’ she once again emphasizes that it is ‘a form of spiritual cultivation’ and that the ‘awareness’ it generates also helps avoid ‘impurities’ [R6]. Vipassana is furthermore implicated in her concept of ‘soldiering on’ in true conquest of herself [C23],aided by awareness [R7]. This is the only way to reach perfection, to become a truly great person.

In particular, she also used meditation to cope with the ‘anger’ and ‘fear’ of the people around her. It should be noted of course, that fear is considered related to anger.2 When asked what ‘truth’ means to her, she again says that this mental state of awareness (sati), both of oneself and of others, contributes to objectivity of mind [R8, R9].

In answer to the question whether meditation has been ‘a process of self-discovery’, she denies that it helped her discover things about herself. Nevertheless, the development of awareness in everyday life permits conscious and careful living [R10]. Aung San Suu Kyi also indicated that she is after a particular kind of ‘awareness’, namely ‘impermanence’ (anicca).

During her house arrest, there were periods when she practised longer because she was improving and enjoying it [C26]. As for the actual changes in her mental states, she points at the stages described in U Pandita’s book [C27].

Vipassana and kamma

Many students of Burmese society attribute the resigned attitude to life and the acceptance of inequality to Buddhism. In particular this is attributed to the quality of kamma which is inherent in people and over which they have no control. In this sense, Buddhism is often seen as pessimistic.

In Pali, kamma [kmî] literally means ‘action’. In Burmese, kan [kM], has two main meanings. First, it means one's deed, word or thought which predetermines one's future, and secondly, the meaning of luck, fortune or lot. To suffer the consequences of these actions is ‘to be hit by the great karmas’ [kMýkI:Tiuk\ty\], meaning ‘to be punished for having committed any of the five cardinal sins’.[27] On the other hand, to do good

things, like charity morality or mental culture, improve one's good fortune in life. Thus, ‘to be lucky’ or ‘to be fortunate’ is to ‘have good kamma’ [kMekac\:ty\].

It is said of kings that ‘karma is exhausted’ [kMkun\], which meant that they had died. Furthermore, the serious and detailed preoccupation with the kamma of monks means that ‘great kamma and small kamma’ [kMýkI:kMcy\] is an expression for the preoccupation with the Vinaya for the greater rites, such as ordination into monkhood, that take place in a sima accompanied by ritual recitation of sacred Pali texts, and the lesser rites such as absolving oneself of minor infractions of the Vinayas which require no ritual.

All Buddhist practice will affect kamma. However, one of the most important features of vipassana perspective on life is that this is the only practice that can truly ‘burn’ kamma. In other words, it can erase misfortunate and status differences arising from past action. There is no other technique or knowledge that supposedly is able to level inequality and difference at the speed that vipassana is able to. This ability permits it a role in the reform of all sorts of inherited assumptions, ranging from ritual and culture, to government and economics. That is how it can work at the forefront of government reform in Burma. This is what makes vipassana truly ‘revolutionary’.

Vipassana and ethicising the polity

Vipassana would appear to be an instrument for politicians to generate constructive awareness of their own sufferings, their own anger and their own fears in the face of repression and imprisonment. It permits them to see their misfortune as transitory, and their condition as impermanent. However, we have already seen, with the battle against evil in the political battlefield having been internalized, that vipassana is the weapon of choice to attain true freedom from the constraints of loki. This turns it into a potent political weapon.

As already noted, when the Buddha attained enlightenment it brought out the worst in Mara who, fearing his control over the world would be lessened by the outflow of people from his loki realm, attacked the Buddha with an enormous army throwing into the battle all possible weapons. These weapons were rendered harmless by his metta and karuna. The repeated attacks on these courageous politicians, who espouse non-violence, is a sign that the regime is unable to confine the implications of Buddhist practice for the liberation of Burma as a whole. The NLD, by all popular accounts, has mastered the high ground and has come to be seen as a guardian of the lokuttara realm; by implication the regime has become the equivalent of Mara's army. Wiser regimes would have avoided this development by timely transfer and sharing of power, leaving the opposition jointly responsible for any mistakes. However, by not seizing that opportunity, the regime now lives in the shadow of, what is from their point of view, a most formidable adversary. An adversary which has built up an unprecedented world-wide reputation for purity.

[1] Jackson (1989:203).

[2] Jackson (1989:52).

[3] IS, 30.07.1998.

[4] Pandita (1992:287).

[5] Kyaw Zaw (n.d.:85).

[6] In this sense, Parenteau (1994:20) is wrong, namely in considering Buddhists as ‘tending to be contemplative’, and therefore as withdrawn from worldly problems. It merely dissolves the immediacy of these problems in terms of problems of a higher order called wisdom.

[7] She also relates ‘perfection’ to ‘purity’ – in this sense she relates it to the way her ‘father once talked about purity in thought, word and deed’. Here, ‘the greatest protection in life is absolute purity’ where ‘nobody can hurt you but yourself’ (ASSK 1997a:52).

[8] One example of the concern of overseas Burmese communities for Aung San Suu Kyi is the offering of donations and the making of merit for the well-being and victory of Aung San Suu Kyi. These usually involve vipassana monks. For example, for her 52^nd birthday a donation was held in South Africa: ‘Burmese compatriot done “Ah-hlu-dar-na Ku-tho” to the most venerable Chanmyay Sayadaw (Ashin Janakabhivamsa) aiming for Nobel Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at Burmese Buddhist Phone-Gyi-Kyaung, No 30, Mckay Road, Ashburton, Pietermeritzburg in South Africa on 52nd birthday of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. While offering this donation to Chanmyay Sayadaw, Burmese Community from Durban and Pietermeritzburg, were attending and pay respect to Sayadaw. The aim of donation is, to away Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from 5-enemies, and also for healthy longer life and peacefully to her and her colleagues. Burmese Community donated “Burmese Buddhist Phone-Gyi-Kyaung” to Chanmyay Sayadaw on 14th June 1997 in South Africa. Chanmyay Sayadaw arrived to SA on 30 May 1997.’ (‘Donation to Chanmyay Sayadaw, aiming for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, 52nd Birthday, in South Africa’).

[9] The Chanmye Sayadaw Ashin Janakabhibamsa was ordained in 1947, in 1954 he performed editorial duties for the Sangayana, and in 1957 he lived at the Mahavisuddharam monastery in Colombo for six years. He taught at the Mahasi centre in 1967, and was donated his own monastery in 1977, since when he became known as the Chanmye Sayadaw. He accompanied the Mahasi abroad in 1979–80 and is now internationally renowned for his teachings which he has disseminated through lecture tours and various media.

[10] ASSK (1997b:65–66).

[11] e.g. the author of U Ba Khin's biography, who was vice-chancellor of Mandalay University, knew vipassana teacher U Ba Khin but paid no attention to him until a foreigner waxed liberally about the benefits of his teachers by a black American while on a trip in America.

[12] First published in The Nation (10.09.1996) and in the Japanese-English Mainichi Daily News, and later republished in Sulak Sivaraksa's Seeds of Peace (Jan–Apr 1997, vol. 13, no. 1, pp. 7–8).

[13] ASSK (1997b:9).

[14] Whitney (1997:93–94).

[15] ASSK (1997b:200–1).

[16] In the Ba Khin tradition which U Kyi Maung practices, the concept of sati is often translated as ‘awareness’, whereas in the Mahasi tradition it tends to be translated as ‘mindfulness’. It may be that Aung San Suu Kyi is influenced by U Kyi Maung's ideas here.

[17] The Dhammapada Translated by Daw Mya Tin. Rangoon: Department for the Promotion and Propagation of the Sasana, 1993, pp. v, 9 (verse 21).

[18] Nyanaponika (1962:32).

[19] Samyutta-Nikaya 47, 19; Nyanaponika (1962:77).

[20] Maha-Parinibbana-Sutta; Nyanaponika (1962:77–84).

[21] ASSK (1997b:31–32).

[22] ASSK (1997b:229).

[23] ASSK (1997b:231).

[24] Meditators commonly represent Evil as the impurities (kilesa) in one's own embodiment, which can only temporarily be suspended by concentration meditation, but permanently be uprooted through vipassana. There are many examples in the Buddhist teachings which how evil is inefficacious to those who have managed to do this successfully.

[25] Sixth Army: Fear. The Sixth Army of Mara is fear and cowardliness. It easily attacks yogis who practice in a remote place, especially if the level of ardent effort is low after an attack of sloth and torpor. Courageous effort drives out fear. So does a clear perception of the Dhamma which comes as a result of effort, mindfulness and concentration. The Dhamma is the greatest protection available on earth: faith in, and practice of the Dhamma are therefore the greatest medicines for fear. Practising morality ensures that one's future circumstances will be wholesome and pleasant; practising concentration means that one suffers less from mental distress; and practising wisdom leads toward nibbana, where all fear and danger have been surpassed. Practising the Dhamma, you truly care for yourself, protect yourself, and act as your own best friend. Ordinary fear is the sinking form of anger. You cannot face the problem, so you show no reaction outwardly and wait for the opportunity to run away. But if you can face your problems directly, with an open and relaxed mind, fear will not arise. (Pandita 1992:71).

[26] Pandita (1993:225–26).

[27] The Five Cardinal Sins: 1 matricide, 2 patricide, 3 killing an Arhat, 4 shedding blood of the Buddha, 5 creating Sangha division among the Sangha.

Wisdom

NLD practice, mediation and purity of mind

Aung San Suu Kyi's encounter with vipassana

Awareness (sati)

Vipassana and kamma

Vipassana and ethicising the polity