COTGROVE FAMILY HISTORY
The Cotgroves
of
Leigh-on-Sea.
A History of Three Hundred Years of Fishing.
Compiled by
Norman Holding.
The Cotgroves
of
Leigh-on-Sea.
A History of Three Hundred Years of Fishing.
Compiled by
Norman Holding.
Part One (appox. 84
sides of print out.)
This deals with the
history of Leigh on Sea,
In the text there are many Reference marks which indicate the source of
the information. If you click on the numbered mark you will jump to that
reference.[1]
Leigh in the Seventeenth
Century.
In
writing these notes I have three aims. Firstly to record the history of a
fisher family in Leigh,
I
have confined the notes to a great extent to the period before 1900. This means
that most of the oral history still within he family is excluded and I leave it
to some of my cousins to collect these tales together to write Volume Two. For
the same reason there are very few photographs of the Cotgroves although I have
included some pictures that have a connection with the family.
This
is not intended to be a great work of literature but a record as far as the
surviving archives allow of a single family in its original habitat. There must be errors both in fact and in
deduction that I have failed to find or correct but I hope this book will help
provide future generations with basis on which to work as well encourage a few
to continue where I have stopped.
With
such a close knit family it might be asked why should one with the surname
Holding be writing a history of the Cotgrove's?
The reason is simple; my great grand mother was Eliza Cotgrove. She was born in 1831 the daughter of Henry
and Sarah and became the second wife of Golden Thompson. My grand mother was the first child of this
marriage, arriving just three weeks after the ceremony in Bethnal Green. The
Thompsons were also a well known Leigh family, although at the time of the
marriage they had only a minor interest in fishing. Golden, who was the third generation of that
name, was at that time a general dealer and his sons by his first marriage were
destined to travel the world rather than the
When
I first saw the names Cotgrove and Golden Thompson on my great grand mother's
marriage certificate, I knew that I had two names which were to prove most
interesting. In all there have been eight generations of Goldens and the
unusual nature of that name has enabled me to trace a branch in the
I
have attempted to include all born with the name Cotgrove, at least as an entry
on one of the many trees. I would have
liked to have had a chapter on each
member but this was limited by space and by the sad fact that many
completed their time here on earth without leaving behind any material evidence that I have been able to find.
I
have a long list of Cotgroves who can not be placed on the Tree but an
examination of these shows that the Tree is more complete than it would first
seem. Most of the "unknowns are
children who died at a young age, most
of the rest are those who died in adulthood without marrying and the rest are
female Cotgroves who were the wives or widows of male Cotgroves. In all I am confident that any one with the
name Cotgrove will find his ancestors on the tree.
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Fig
1 The |
If
you speak to a present day Cotgrove about his, or her, origins you will be sure
to hear the story that they came over from Holland to drain Canvey Island and
that the name was once Croppenberg, Coggery or something similar. There is another version which says that the
first Cotgrove came to
The
first version appears in print in the collection of stories about the people of
Rochford Hundred published about 1880.[3] In spite of much research it has not been
possible to confirm or deny these traditions.
However some facts do come to light which support it in part.
The
first reference to Cotgrove in the Leigh area is the baptism of Thomas Cotgrove
the son of Benjamin Cotgrove on
Let
us now consider the theory based on the draining of
The
name Cotgrove is obviously a typical English surname although it only exists in
that form in the Leigh family. Reaney [11] will confirm that 'Cot' means a small
cottage and 'Grove' means a small wood. One must also consider that in the
1600's the poorer classes of Dutchmen did not use surnames as we use them. Names took the form of a forename plus a
town, e.g. Joas of The Haag (or some other town or area from which the man
came). So did the first Cotgrove have the name 'Cornelis of the Count' or
Cornilis t'Grave ? This could easily be modified to Co 'tgrove by those who
could not master the Dutch accent and later became Cotgrove. This theory is not
supported by the fact that the Registers of the Dutch Church at Colchester do
not have a single t'---- type name, although there are plenty of Den -----'s
and Van der ----'s. There are also no
names that could perhaps be called Cotgrove although when one looks a some
examples of English versions of Dutch or French names it is difficult to see
the connection. Mycoll Du La Peire = Michel de la Pierre, Wam Fromowe =
Guillaume Fremaut, Abram Cosheire =
Abraham Couchet. The
The
name as written has changed but slightly during the last 300 years, starting
off as COTTGROVE or COTGRAVE in 1680-1720 before reverting to COTGROVE. During the later part of the 18th century the
name appears occasionally as CODGROVE both in the Poor Law Records and in the
Church Registers. The Lord of the Manor
used COTGROVE. By 1820 it became fixed
as COTGROVE.
So
why Cropenburg ? I suspect that this
is a variation of the
There is a version of the name which is
spelt as COTGRAVE or COTGREAVE and this is found in the
The
origins of this
The
le Belward's can be traced back with
some uncertainty to Hugh Lupas, nephew of William the Conqueror, whose
illegitimate son Robert FitzHugh was the first Norman Baron of Malpas,
Cheshire, and who was alive in 1090.[18] There is no evidence whatsoever that the
Cotgroves of Leigh have any connection with
Imagine
that one of these
In
the next chapter we can examine this theory in greater detail.
Everything
points to the Dutch origins but the exact story is uncertain and unproven.
If
as is said the first Cotgrove came over to help drain Canvey, it would be
likely that at least one of his descendants would be recorded between 1621 and
1686. There is however no trace of Cotgrove or any possible name like it,
except the Cotgraves of Barking, before the baptism of Thomas of Leigh in
1686/7. Even if the first one was only 20 years old in 1621 he would almost
certainly be dead by 1686. The first
known Benjamin, who died in 1690, would only have been about 30 at his death so
he is unlikely to be the son of the first; more likely the grandson. With three
generations in the area where are all the children and grandchildren ? On the whole I think it more logical to
assume that it was Benjamin's father who came from Holland, perhaps in the
1640's or '50's, or as we shall see, perhaps even later. The vague mention in the family bible of
Crawdeon Cotgrove as the father of the first Benjamin being a Dutchman adds
weight to this theory. So is it possible
that the second theory is the correct one - that they were fleeing religious
prosecution ?
The
history of relationships between
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Relationships
remained peaceful for the next 30 years, during which time Mary, daughter of
Charles I of
However in 1652 a series of three wars began
and peace did not return between England and Holland until 1674, followed by
the marriage in 1677 of William to Mary, daughter of James, Duke of York. Thus
it is highly unlikely that a Cotgrove
would have been welcome until after that date, particularly as the Dutch fleet
raided the Medway coast in 1667. They would also would not have chosen the
period of the English Civil War (1642-5). So the most likely time for the first
ancestor to arrive is now shown to be just before 1650 or as late as 1675, but
this is still time enough for him bring his young son Benjamin with him.
From
the Dutch point of view the period 1620-1672
was a time of religious tolerance and although the majority were
Protestant, all denominations were accepted and there was no persecution. The invasion of southern
From
May 1673 onwards many Dutchmen arrived
and in November 1674 great numbers of Dutch merchants and skippers with their
vessels were reported to have a reached
One
must also take notice of the fact that when Benjamin senior died in 1690 his son had not been born. The son in turn
died when his own son was only 5 years old. Thus the first English born
generations had no opportunity to found a family tradition. Any family oral
history would have to have been passed down from the English, female, line and
must be lacking in detail even before if got started.
Thus
one can assume but not prove that the first Cotgrove arrived in 1674, probably
in November from the coast of
There
is, however, another possibility, which could tie the Essex Cotgroves in with the
Remember the first mention of Benjamin in
Leigh in the
Seventeenth Century.
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Fig. 3. Map of Leigh. 1850 |
The
To
this port came the ships bringing supplies from
Situated
south of the direct route along the
The
arrival of the railway in 1856 meant a great change to the way of life. The line
ran through the heart of the village, cutting through the back yards of the
houses and cottages on the north side of the High Street. These houses had very
long gardens which ran up the hill towards the church. This meant that many
inhabitants were cut off from the wells and shops on the quays and from the
High Street itself. Level crossings were provided but many crossed at the most
convenient point, straight over the lines; an action which was to take the life
of at least one young Cotgrove. Besides the turmoil of the construction work,
and the loss of back gardens the influx of so many strangers brought troubles
and fights. In the early days the line was only single track resulting in very
few trains a day beyond Tilbury. Without passing loops a train could not leave Tilbury until the
previous train had travelled all the way to Leigh and returned. The engines
provided by the Eastern Counties Railway, which was to operate the line for its
first 21 years, were noted for their large six foot diameter single pair of
driving wheels. Within a few years the railway was bringing large numbers of
day trippers both to Leigh and to Southend. Although Southend lost its high
class coach trade it was soon very busy with the day visitors.
When
all was finished the village began to find the advantages of the railway. They
could get their catches up to
In
spite of the fact that it lay next to the
By
1900 the village had all the modern requirements of a small town. A gas works to provide street lighting and
cooking fuel as well as domestic lighting.
Piped water, a fire brigade, sewage disposal and a town council. South of the railway on the quay side life
changed but little and most of the Cotgroves continued to live in the small
cottages along the old High Street although a few moved a short way up the hill
and into the newer cottages along the New Road which was built after the
arrival of the Railway.
In
the early days after the decline of the naval port, any social activity must
have been confined to the Church, the local Pubs and perhaps the annual fete.
The
parish Church in Leigh had been there several hundred years before the Cotgroves
arrived but they would have seen the two major alterations in the 1840s and
1872 as well as the addition of the Lady Chapel in 1913. Canon Walter King came in 1860 and together
with his son Robert Stuart King, the
Kings were Rectors for the next 90 years. These two men played an important
part in the life of Leigh. First was the
Mission Hall, called the Sailors Rest and then Canon Robert King started a
Football team which did quite well in the Essex Football Association in spite
of its unusual name; the Leigh Rectory Yard Football Team. Both men gave great support to the villages
in times of trouble. They acted as
Parson, clerk and lawyer[38].
For many years weekly concerts were held both in the Church Hall and at
the Sailors' Rest and several members of the family provided entertainment for
their fellows. This came to an abrupt end in 1883 as "some ill disposed
person" had taken action over the copyright of a song being sung.[39]
In any village there are a number of Public Houses; Leigh
was no exception. In 1757 they included 'The Bell', 'The Peter Boat', 'The Old King's Head', 'The
Crooked Billet', The Waterman's Arms', 'The George', 'The Ship', 'The United
Brethren', 'The Coal Hole' and 'The Old Billet'. The last three being beer
houses. Many of these were rebuilt
several times but the most destruction was caused by the railway construction
in 1856. The King's Head and The
Many
of the Pubs became headquarters for various Slate, Sick or Social Clubs. They
served many purposes but usually they had an annual dinner and provided a fund
to help with sickness or with funerals.
It was customary for members to process behind the coffin at a member's
funeral; in some cases the funeral was held in the evening so that more could attend,
[40]although this was not allowed by
law. On other occasions a rudimentary
uniform would be worn. One such were 'The Comicals' who met in 'The Peter
Boat', so named because of their regalia. They were not the oldest, having not
been formed until 1850, but they were noted for their entertainment at the
annual dinner which was always held on the first Wednesday in July. The cost of this was 3/6 per head but those
who did not attend were fined 5/-. [41]
The United Brethren was formed in 1853, originally at the beer house of
that name but they later met in the 'Crooked Billet'.
The
first of these clubs was the "Amicable Society of Watermen and
Others" (It later became the Amicable Society of Leigh) which was founded
on
The
rules of these Societies provided for both sick and death benefits but the
members had to comply with the rules as applied by the two Stewards. In 1828 the
Stewards of the "The Amiable Society of Dredgers & Fishermen of
Leigh" were Thomas Constable and Thomas Robinson; William Risby was Clerk. Membership was open
to all men aged between 16 and 35 on joining,
provided they had had the small pox. This was a wise precaution to
prevent a drain on the club's resources by death or prolonged illness by those
catching the decease after joining.
Funds were kept, as with all such clubs, in a
stout chest known as "The Box" and fitted with three locks, the keys
being held by the two Stewards and the Landlord of the Pub. At the meetings on the forth Monday of each
month the dues of one shilling per month were paid. Benefits included 8
shillings per month sick pay and a burial fee of five pounds. A club funeral
pall was available on these occasions. Fines were levied for bringing women
into the meeting room without permission, 4 pence; failure to keep quiet for one minute when so
ordered by the Stewards, as timed by the minute glass provided for that
purpose, 3 pence and, for the most
serious offence of all, slandering another man's trade or skill, one shilling.
The
social conditions have to be considered
in relation to the wages paid in these early times. In 1767 a Customs man could earn £50-£60
pounds a year, while a Customs Boatman could get £30.[43]& [44]
By 1825 these figures might have doubled. [45]
In 1815 the Customs men requested an increase in the allowance for being
posted to another port on temporary assignment.
This had been fixed in 1719 at 10/- per week and after a protest in 1819
was raised to £1.[46]
The cost of a fishing boat was also low. In 1801 the Customs ordered a new boat.
This was 24 feet long , 5 foot six inches
wide and fitted
with a mast
but with no
deck. She was built
for £27-12s-0d. In 1809 a
slightly smaller but similar boat was quoted at £28-15s-0d[47]. This would have been cheaper than a
fishing boat which would have had a deck.
Leigh Cricket Club was formed at the Ship Inn in 1883[48].
Cricket had been played in the village for some years before and in 1879
a team of four cricketers beat four fishermen by one innings and 16 runs; the
cricketers having scored 17.[49]
By
the 1880's a number of national institutions had branches at Leigh. The Ancient
Order of Foresters "Fisherman’s'
A
number of insurance companies had representatives in the area and from time to
time made it known that membership could help lessen the blow of a disaster.
One such was the Shipwrecked Mariners Society who pointed out in 1874 [51] just after the loss of Cotgrove father and son
at sea that only 12 fishermen out of some 200 were members and that few could
thus rely on the annual death grant to widows and orphans. Stephen Cotgrove was
particularly unlucky in January 1901 when his boat was badly damaged by fire;
he was insured but not for damage caused by fire.[52] Those without insurance had to rely on the
goodwill of their friends and neighbours, even the Poor Law Overseer had been
known to help out as it made good sense to keep a man in work by paying for a
repair of a damaged boat rather than support his wife and family for many
months. A common name for a fishing boat
was "Friends' Good Will"
Schooling[53] did not become compulsory until 1870 but long
before that there were a number of schools in the village. The first must have been Sir Samuel Moyer's
School, a free school, which was founded in 1716 'for instructing children in
the principles of the Christian Religion' but this closed before 1800. Lady Olivia Bernard Sparrow who inherited the
Manor in 1805, opened a school in 1834 in what is now the Broadway but it may
have existed in another building for some time before that. The first master
was The Revd. Dr. Ridley Hershell, a Polish Jew who had become a Christian and
lay preacher. The school still retained his name until it was sold in 1863. The
Lady
Olivia Sparrow was a great benefactor to the village and she provided two
wells, one on the Strand in 1832 and the other on Bell Wharf in 1836. She also
provided some fish pits.
It
was in 1748 that legend has it that some Leigh men, driven by a storm to take
refuge in
As was usual in most fishing villages
around the coast the trade was controlled by a few close knit families who
named their children after their parents or grandchildren. This meant that within a few years the whole
population shared a very few Christian names.
Leigh was no exception. To get
over this identity problem each member of a family engaged in fishing was given
a unique nick name which would be used to the exclusion of both Christian, and sometimes
surname. Besides fore filling the
obvious need it also provided a simple means of spotting strangers. If one did not know the correct nick name
you were a marked man.
These
names were based on appearance, habits or on some incident in the person's
life. Most of these names have been
lost to memory but a few still remain as part of village legend. Arthur Boyton was always known as
"Gottie" or "Ponto" and his many exploits are recorded in
the local press using in most cases, just the single word. The nick names also tended to become
patronymic so that the son adopted his father's name. Hence Tolly Cotgrove's son William, became
Billy Tolly and Lumpy's son Albert became Bert Lump. This even passed to the daughters so that
Tottles' daughter, Martha took the name
Martha Tottles.
This system worked well within the village,
among their own friends and family but created difficulties for outsiders. Although there seems to be no recorded cases
of nicknames being given to Census Enumerators, the Registrar of Voters, a barrister, who visited the village in 1888 to determine
who was entitled to a property vote at the General Election met with
difficulties. In a meeting with the
Overseers of the Poors' Assistant, Mr
A.J. Ray and the local Tory agent, Mr
Hood, the names of Osborne, Plumb,
Joscelyne and Turnidge were mentioned.
The Overseer said that as so many local men were far better known by
their nick names it was strange for him
to speak of them by their full names.
The Registrar presumed that a
In
any area adjacent to the sea there would be those who tried and often
succeeded in earning a living by
bringing in goods from overseas that were heavily taxed in England but could be
obtained much more cheaply overseas. In
other words smuggling. In the 18th
century tea was a common contraband , due to the 125% duty imposed. Later this
was reduced to 12½ % so that tobacco[58] and spirits[59] formed the most common products. Leigh was no exception but although there
were plenty of suitable boats, the coast was too open. Thus most of the goods were put ashore north
of Leigh in the Couch and Blackwater estuaries. This did not prevent the Customs authorities
having a permanent officer at Leigh, with an office in the centre of the High
Street. In 1802 the holder of that office,
James Baxter, reported that he had made a seizure every day in July.[60] In 1764 the "Chelmsford Chronicle"
reported that the same Customs House had seized "several thousand ells of
French blond lace, brocades and flower'd silks, a quantity of women's' leather
gloves" etc. etc. [61]When the Peter Boat Inn was burnt down
in 1892 a tunnel was found connecting the cellars to the wharf side, no doubt
used as a smugglers passage. There were
several well known smugglers but these lived in Paglesham and none of the
records reveal any connection with the established Leigh fisher families. That is not to say that they were all
innocent as will be shown later.
In
the 17th Century the River
The
At
some seasons of the year there was a good deal of sprats, which swam together in great shoals, the usual time
being from November to March. The sprat was only found in the estuary, not
swimming up stream, and thus within easy reach of Leigh. These could be caught by
using stow nets which resembled long net bags which were held beneath anchored
boats while the tide swept the fish into the net. The quantities of these small
fish caught were very large and it remained an important income for Leigh right
up to the 1900's. In some years the
supply exceeded the demand and
quantities were sold to local farmers for manure on the land, although the
price was less than a tenth of that obtained in Billingsgate.
Some
larger boats fitted with wells, or water filled holds, would collect the catch
from the fishing fleet and rush the catch to
During
the 19th Century a few Leigh boats would dredge for starfish which were locally
called five fingers. These would only be used as manure. Likewise seaweed
washed up on the shore could be sold to farmers.
Before
1800 another catch was the flounder which could be caught in peter nets pinned
to the shore so as to form at least a partial 'dam' across a narrow creek. This
was then emptied at low tide. This became illegal in the main stream of the
Thames but was still practised well into the 19th century by many of the older
Leigh men; it was considered as one of the perks of old age or infirmity. Even in the 1400's it was recorded in legal
documents that fish were caught in "kidells"; these were V shaped
weirs made from stout stakes and brush
wood walls to retain fish trapped by the falling tide[63]. Some of these were semi-permanent
having names and being left in wills.[64] Out on the sand banks of the estuary these
kiddels would catch many varieties of flat fish. On the mud flats among the
creeks flounders could also be caught on long hooked and baited lines laid out
upon the flats at low tide.
For the older men there were always a good
crop of mussels, cockles and winkles to be had which could be picked up at low
tide and together with the aid of the peter net to catch a few flounders very
few went short of food.
Oysters
were all caught by dragging a small trawl net across the sand banks. In the early
days most of those caught were small but in 1700 William Outting discovered
that if small oysters were laid in the creeks they grew in size and
their quality improved. [65] His beds were so successful that the
The
fishermen also found that some improvement could be obtained if the catch was
kept for only a few weeks or months in fish wells or pits. Several of these pits were dug on the Leigh
Marsh and leased to the men; some were provided by Lady Swallow, the Lady of
the Manor, who had the welfare of her
tenants much at heart. It was unfortunate that several of these were washed
away in a big storm in about 1830.
Since
"time immemorial" or since the start of the reign of Richard I in
1189 the Lords of the Manor of Leigh and of the adjoining Manors had been
granted a “several fishery” giving them exclusive right to fish the shoals off
their demesne. In many cases after 1700 they leased the rights to oyster
fishermen to form oyster beds. Large areas just below the low water mark were
fenced off or marked with poles so that small oysters caught in other areas
could be laid on the sand which had been carefully prepared.[68] In due course the oyster grew to a size
suitable for eating and were then harvested. After one or two years the
resulting adult oyster would be a 'native', which was somewhat larger and of a different
colour to that caught in other areas.[69] If the owner was fortunate there would be a
fall of spat, i.e. eggs, and the bed was thus re-seeded for the next year.
Alternatively the beds could be restocked afresh each year with small oysters
which would be fattened up before harvesting; in this case no spat would have
fallen and there would be a need to import new stock from
The
import of the young oysters from
Towards the end of the 19th Century very
little spat fell in the
Over
the years the various Lords of the Manor had different views on the use of
their fishing rights. Some were content to let the local men use the shores and
shallows without hindrance; at other times they insisted on an income and let
off the rights to those who operated oyster beds. These lessees or their
bailiffs prevented the fishermen having access and even sued many for trespass.
This raised much ill feeling as the fishermen could rightly claim that their
forebears for several generations had been allowed to use the area with out any
restriction and they felt most hard done by when a rich stranger said that he
and he alone had a right to fish there.
At
a later date some of the fishing rights became the property of Southend Corporation,
who leased the foreshore to the Southend Shellfish Co., one of whose owners was
Arthur David Cotgrove.[75] The purpose of this was to control private
shellfish gatherers who sold the catch direct to the consumer and increased the
risk of typhoid infection. The Company stored its catch in suitable clean,
pollution free areas for several weeks until the cockles were free from
infection. Several local people were prosecuted for stealing from the leased
ground.[76]
By
1786 a small fleet of boats went out
into the estuary from Leigh. Although
small, many had decks and therefore were required to register. There was little or no foreign trade but
watch was kept by the Customs and Excise men on any foreign ships laid up off
shore[77].
The coal trade with the north east coal
fields meant there was a constant traffic in colliers and for many years
It
would be nice if the boats and their
owners could be identified but few records survive from this time. In 1826 several boats with names associated
with the Cotgrove and their relatives are registered[81] but the owners are not listed. These included the following :-
Perservance. 9
63/94 tons. 25
feet Thos. Nairne
Betsey 54 tons 55 feet
William 15 82/94
tons 27’ 9” John Osborne
Two Sisters 11 22/94 27’9” John Osborne (son
was Master 1804)
Good Intent 6 67/94 22 feet John
Clarke
(1795)
William &
Mary 11 85/94 28 feet John Smith
Prosperous
Sarah Boll
Stephen
Endeveror Peter boat 17th March 1807 smuggled ten casks of gin.
Mary & Ann
Friendship
Dove
Three Sisters
Pink
Friends Goodwill Worth £23-4-6 Feb 1805 CUST101/10
Rose
Glory
Friends
Complete
list from end of note book 26b.
The
Good Intent was Captained by John Clarke in 1796 and in 1794 by John
Thompson. These two men could be related
by the marriage of Goldspring Thompson
to Rebecca Clarke in 1806. Their first
child was John Clarke Thompson. The
Thompson was also related to the Cotgroves by marriage.
Before
1800 the Leigh catches did not include
the shrimp which at that time could be found far upstream. Although cockles
were caught, no doubt for local consumption, they do not appear to have been an
important catch. However, the increased
demand and the pollution of the river up stream made the Leigh shrimps more
profitable. In about 1830 Stephen Frost
is said to have discovered the benefits of catching shrimps and this was to be
the start of what was to become the main catch of the Leigh fishermen over the
next 100 years. Both shrimps and later,
cockles [82], had to be boiled and this could be
done by the women folk or in the case of shrimps, on board the boat directly
after being caught. This is said to be
the origin of the term 'bawley' i.e. boiler, for a Leigh shrimper. Whether true
or not soon after 1830 many Leigh boats had a small 'copper' aboard which was
heated by a wood fire. The first boat so fitted was the Secret owned by the
Cotgrove family. She had a brick built fire place to heat the copper. Into this
the catch was tipped as it was soon as it was taken. It was then boiled for a
few minutes. To be aboard a small boat in anything other than a dead calm sea,
with a 30 gallons of boiling water and a blazing fire could have been no joke.
Accidental fire was also a hazard and at least one boat was severely damaged in
this way. In 1993 this type of boat
was defined as a factory ship and thus
becomes controlled as such.[83] This makes its operation uneconomic and the
fishermen will have to resort to keeping the catch in ice until they can be
treated ashore.
Cockles
which were also affected by the pollution could be lifted from the sand by hand
or by rake and loaded into a boat beached on a sandbank as the tide receded.
All could be kept fresh by storing them in a wooden 'tank' or well filled with
water. By 1800 many Leigh boats had wells built in while in other ports wells
were towed behind the boat or pits constructed near the shore to retain a good
catch until market prices were better.
With
the increase in the population of London the Thames began to become
contaminated with sewage. After the retreat of the shrimp from Gravesend down
to Leigh, the next effect of this was
the decline in the oyster catch. By 1860 it was almost dead as far as Leigh
fishermen were concerned and was confined to privately owned beds in the many
creeks. In 1839 and 1848 trade directories [84] were still giving the principle fishing as
shrimps and oysters but the 1851 census shows only two men giving their
occupation as dredgers and in 1870 only about eight boats went as usual to
dredge oyster at Shoreham where oysters could still be found in deep water off
the shore; they returned with less than ten bushels between them. Needless to
say they went back to shrimping.[85]. The situation had been little better
some five years earlier when only four boat brought oysters to market instead
of some twenty. Scarcity meant that even this meagre catch of poor quality
oysters fetched over 9s per bushel. At that time real natives from the private
beds were fetching over £5 per bushel.[86]
Although
the cockle beds were used until the start of the 20th Century an outbreak of
typhoid caused by their use resulted in them being banned from Billingsgate
Market for several months.[87] From then on only cockles taken from the more
remote sandbanks of the Estuary could be used.
By
the middle of the 19th century the Leigh fishing trade consisted of a few large
boats who went out in the North Sea to trawl for larger fish and a large fleet
of some 100 small boats involved in the traditional shell fish trade. The
larger boats used the port solely as a harbour and do not appear to have been
manned by Leigh men. In 1865 Mr. Turnnidge, the Assistant River Keeper of the
Thames Conservancy stated to the Sea Fisheries Commission[88] that there were 114 boats at Leigh of which 80
or 90 are involved in shrimping for most of the time. There were only about 8
that never went shrimping. Of these latter, some go dredging for oysters and
others are use for mussels or stow netting.
Of the 80 or 90 shrimpers some 6 are involved in occasional trawling for
oysters and another 10 in long lining. This uses a long fishing line fitted
with many hooks baited with parts of fish. They usually caught cod or haddock
and it was used off the port of Harwich.
Before
the coming of the railway the catch was often taken to Billingsgate by horse
carrier which travelled overnight. This was started in about 1820 by James Cook
and later carried on, after the latter’s untimely death by falling from his
cart, by William Hay. The journey would start from the Billet Wharf at about
6.00 in the evening and would reach Billingsgate at 5.00 the following morning.
In some seasons a special pick up was made from Canvey Island. The railway
meant that most of the catch would now go by rail to London and the figures for
freight conveyed shows the falling off of the oyster fishery. In 1855 467 tons
of oysters were carried; by 1864 it was down to 33 tons. Over the same period
winkles, mussels and shrimps rose from nearly 30 tons to 705 tons.[89] Although these figures may have covered good
and bad years there is no doubt that the oyster trade was declining rapidly.
On
4th August 1865 the Chelmsford Chronicle reported that only four boats were
oyster dredging and catches were very poor bringing about high prices for low
quality; about 9 shillings a bushel. The 1861 census shows that some were down
in Jersey in search of oysters. In
addition to all these larger boats some 11 rowing boats used by older men to
dig for cockles on the flats. Mr Turnnidge had told the Commission that there
was very little if any whitebaiting at that date but some 12 boats did a little
stow netting for sprats. The interest in Whitebait did not start until about
1860 as it was one of the last fish to be forced down stream by the pollution.
It was to grow into one of the principle catches by the 1890's.
Thirty
years after Turnnidge's evidence Dr. Murie listed 86 decked Bawleys by name and
32 open cockling boats. Nearly all the boats in Leigh were owned by fishermen,
although some owned as many as four while other none. These latter would hire a
boat from others. However in 1849 when Charles Cotgrove had his boat impounded
for smuggling, it turned out to be owned by a London man. During the period 1830-5 the Custom and
Excise man at Leigh recorded in his letter book the names of the owners as well
as the description boat. It can be thus seen that at that time ownership was in
the hands of a few who had more than one boat which they rented out to the
fishermen. Several of these owners
were rich property owners rather than fishermen.
The
decline in the oyster catch brought about a change in boat ownership. By 1830 the oyster merchants were beginning
to give up their boats. In 1843 Mr King
the Customs Comptroller at Leigh was reporting that around 150 boats were
engaged in shrimp fishing and that their numbers had doubled in the last six
years, since 1836/7.[90]
Many were in the hands of the ordinary fishermen; a practice that was to
increase over the next 25 years.
Ten
to twenty years later in the 1870's and 80's the reports in the local papers
show these changing methods of fishing.
In 1870 John Robinson and Elijah Osborne were caught with 50 gallons of French
shrimps off the coast of France. They were fined £11 pounds and lost their
catch. In the same year, in November, a number of Leigh boats returned from red
shrimping off Harwich to prepare for the spratting season,[91] this practice becoming part of the annual
migration to Harwich. This had been brought about by the railway extension to
Harwich which meant that the large harvest of pink shrimps could by conveyed
easily to London. The Harwich Red shrimp was considered to be better eating
than the smaller brown Leigh variety and many Leigh boats spent many months
working out of Harwich. In fact at least one member of the family married at
Harwich during his annual visit. In 1872
John Cotgrove went to Harwich for long lining. In 1874 there were so few
shrimps at Leigh that many more boats went to Harwich for the red variety. The
boats were still taking sprats to London by the river and often removed the ballast
of their boats to increase the load carrying capabilities of the boats. This
was very unsafe on the return journey and two men lost there lives as a result.
In 1883 so many bushels were sent up to Billingsgate that they could only be
sold as manure and the fishermen once more returned to catching shrimps.[92]
By
the 1930's the trade was mostly cockles and shrimps. In 1931, a good year, a
total catch of 350 tons went by rail. In 1932, a bad year, the figure was only
250 tons but the following year, 1933 it was back to over 400 tons.[93] These figures included winkles, cockles,
shrimps and whitebait when in season. Cockle catches also varied from year to
year. Mr Harvey who was Chairman of the Leigh Fishermens' Association, said in
1936 that 1911 and 1931 had been bad years for cockles.[94] In 1990 only six companies were involved in
cockling, some going dredging for cockles using a giant vacuum cleaner to suck
the shell fish from the sea bed.[95] There were no Cotgroves involved.
The
original Leigh boats were mainly under 15 tons displacement[96] but with a deck and usually only about 25 feet
long. The early version were known as 'pinkies' and were pointed at the stern
as well as at the bow. The single mast carried a sail on a sprit, or diagonal
boom fixed to the foot of the mast, and another triangular one forward between
the mast and the bow. Before the 1800's it is doubtful if there was a full
decking[97]. In the 1830's development of the
bawley had begun. The first was said to
be the King William IV of scarcely 4 tons. The stern was square cut and the
sprit had moved up the mast to become a gaff which held a boomless main sail
below it and in turn acted as the boom for the topsail. The absence of a boom
on the lower sail meant that the deck was kept clear for working. The early
bawleys had fish wells but at a later date wood fired boilers were fitted. At
first the boats were clinker built with the planking overlapping but by 1850
more and more were of carvel built type with butted planks. By the 1880's
lengths of 32 feet were obtained.
A
number were built with a shallow draft for use as cocklers. These would be
beached on the sand banks to await low tide when the crew of two or three would
climb overboard to rack up the cockles from just under the surface of the sand.
The maximum size attained by the cockler was about 28 feet with a 9 foot beam. Once beached it would be
impossible to move to a new spot so it was most important to select a rich
cockle bearing spot before beaching. The shrimpers tended to be a little bigger
and were fitted with a capstan to haul in the trawl; by 1900 this had been
replaced with a small winch. With the coming of the 20th century engines were
fitted but 72 were still under sail at the start of the First World War. In the
19th Century the proximity of the naval Port of Chatham meant that there was a
ready supply of surplus ships' boats which could be modified into very fine
cockle boats.
Races
were held for the Bawleys each Regatta Day in September and there was much
rivalry between Leigh and Southend where another but smaller fleet had grown up in the 19th
century.
The
men of Leigh seemed to have had a good living from fishing although life was
hard. In the late 1700’s a new boat
could be had for under £30 but this would amount to at least six months
wages. Some winters it was found
necessary to open a soup kitchen as in 1885/6 when Mr Brewer, the butcher, ran
one from his shop.[98] In the 1880’s a new boat could cost about £250[99] and several men owned their own from which
they could expect to earn £3 to £4 per week between one man and a boy.[100] This may not sound much but with rents at well
under 4/- per week [101] and the poverty level at about 10/- per week
some men were well off. A good catch might be 20 gallons [102]of shrimps which at, say 6 pence per
gallon would mean an income of 10/- per day.[103] Admittedly not every day would bring such a
good catch but on the whole they probably did better than some of those who
left the sea for the regular hours of a shore based occupation. In 1875 Henry
Cotgrove left his job in the Victoria Pottery and took a post as a porter on
the railway. At the age of 21 his wage was 17/- for a nominal 11 or 12 hour
day. Most Sundays were worked and holidays were two or three days per year.
Never the less he married within 4 years by which time he was a guard with a
slightly higher wage. It was about this time that another group of men engaged
in an equally dangerous trade, coal mining, went on strike for a wage of 6d - 2
1/2 pence per hour. This would have been only 36/- for a 72 hour week.
Before
the arrival of the Cotgroves, Leigh had been an important sea port with a
flourishing repair trade for the ships of the Royal Navy but the silting up of the
creek over a period of many years brought a great change in its
activities. In 1620 'The Mayflower' is
said to have called in to pick up a few of her passengers for the New World on
her way from Wapping Stairs to Plymouth and the USA. Much of her stock of grain to be used on the
voyage and to feed the emigrants during the first months in the new lands could
have come from the fields behind Leigh.[104]
By 1700 the depth of water even
at high tide put a restriction on the size of ship that could tie up at the
quay. As the inhabitants settled down
to a quiet life of fishing supported by Mr Outing’s new oyster beds off the
Strand, the trade was limited to the import of oysters from the Cherbourg area
of France and the subsequent export of a few fattened oysters for Belgium as
well as the unloading quantities of coal from the mines in the north east of England.
There
is no doubt that an important seaport would have had a Customs man from the
earliest days. Thomas Osborne was Sub
Collector in 1672; a Tidewaiter or
Watchman, a Joseph Crabb, was appointed in 1685 but a year later he was
replaced by Henry Gosnold. By 1690 it
was considered worthwhile to employ a Tide surveyor at £100 per annum. The job went to Lambert Pitcher "an
old inhabitant of Leigh, as it is unhealthy to persons not used to the
air"[105]
By
1719 the Customs Officer at Maldon, whose area extended up to the vicinity of
Tilbury then eastwards around the coast to West Mercia to the south bank of the
River Crouch, considered it again necessary to have a man at Leigh to collect
any revenue, although his powers were limited. The Revenue had a number of boats
permanently moored at strategic spots around the coast to control incoming
ships and to discourage smuggling. One
of these ships, usually old naval gun
boats, was moored off Leigh. They had a
small crew of Sitters[106] who lived on board although they were frequent
visitors ashore. One of these sitters
was Joseph Wood who married Mary
Cotgrove under duress in 1816. When
Mary found that she was pregnant the Overseers made sure that he married her
and even paid for the Licence. The
"Safeguard" had been an Navy Gunboat but after her final pay off she
became a Quarantine Boat anchored off
Leigh. The Captain in 1816 was John Loten, son of the one time Comptroller at Leigh.[107] She was paid off on 5th January 1818 and
replaced by the "Enchantress" off Southend.[108]
The
Officer at Maldon controlled a variety
of men to ensure that Duty was paid by
those ships calling at his ports as well as preventing any smuggling. Beside the Revenue boats at strategic spots
around the coast, there were a number of Riders who patrolled the shore on
horse back to watch for suspicious ships.
Within each Port was a Tide Surveyor who controlled a number Tide
Watchers. These went on board the ships to check the cargo, any duty being
collected by the Comptroller who was often the senior man at the Port. In a busy port a Jerquer[109] was employed to examine the ships papers but
at Leigh, at least unto the mid 1800’s this was done by the Tide Watcher. To assist these men there were
Boatmen. Of these only the
Commissioned Boatman was full time, the others were frequently, but not always,
part time. Local fishermen were taken on
as Boatmen but the turn over was rather high so the job does not appear to have
been very popular. At Leigh there
were usually two who were paid £5 a year
retainer and a daily rate of 2/6 or 5/- when actually employed.[110]
To ensure that the right amount of duty was levied the cargo, be it coal
or oysters, had to be measured. This was
done by self employed Coal Meters. These
took a payment of sixpence per cauldron[111] plus nine shillings per ship plus three
shillings per day living expenses.[112]
In Leigh as the total number of men was around four in all, some had two
roles.
With
William Outings discovery that the river at Leigh could be used to cultivate
oysters many merchants began to import suitable small oyster for fattening. These could come from Cancale near
Cherbourg, the Channel Islands or the Isle of Wight. As there was a duty on foreign oysters,
attempts were made to pass off French oysters, which were considered superior,
as Cowes oysters. In 1734 ten merchants
on the Isle of Wight informed the Customs at Leigh that one of Cowes merchants
had loaded up in France with 500 bushels and by making a false Customs
declarations about the origins, quantity and stating that they were only worth £8.00 he was able to sell these to a
Leigh merchant, James Campion, for £40. [113]
The
problem of collecting Duty on oysters was recorded as early as 1735 when James
Camper and William Cripps had oyster
beds at Leigh which they wanted to stock with French oysters. They requested a
permit which allow them to deliver their stock direct to Leigh instead of
having to go to Malden to pay duty.
Nearly 100 years later in 1810, William Alston of Rochester on the Kent
side of the estuary purchased from the Crown an Oyster bed in Leigh
Swatch. He intended to stock this bed
with Channel Island oysters but was most annoyed to be told that all his
oysters would have to be transported to Maldon and then back to Leigh so that
the Customs could check the cargo.
Alston made a second appeal in 1815 but again without success. Although the Leigh officer was prepared to
inspect the shipments at Leigh his superiors in London would not allow it. [114]It was stated that no oysters had been
imported into Leigh since 1792 but this most likely meant that they had first
been checked at Maldon before unloading at Leigh,[115] as there were many large shipments in 1795.
At
other times, previous to this incident, boat Captains were required to pay a
deposit while the exact amount of oysters was ascertained. Those Captains who were not specifically
registered had to call first at Maldon. The free lance Coal Meters at Leigh
were asked to measure all cargoes of oysters so that the duty could be calculated.
These Meters used large baskets of three Winchester bushels capacity. At a later date special baskets of even
larger capacity were used for oysters.
The men were paid by the basket jointly by the boat Captain, the Customs
and the importing merchant.
The
Customs Officers were under continual pressure to accept bribes and on several
occasions their Comptroller was forced to search their houses although none was
found guilty. One was even accused of
living with a woman who was not his wife[116].
Several men had other interests.
One man’s wife kept a small shop and he was accused of selling
contraband via this outlet.
The other main cargo at Leigh was coal. In 1735 Isaac Lamb and William Johnson were
coal merchants[117] but the trade carried on right up to the
1860’s & 70’s when at least three families got a living from coal. These included Golden Thompson who was the
son of the famous namesake who escaped from his ship during the 1798 Naval
mutiny at the Nore. (Later proved to be
incorrect; in fact it was 1806 but the local newspaper quoted the incorrect
date in the report of his death). The
son married Eliza Cotgrove and besides
coal he is reputed to been handled other goods including clocks[118] and furniture.
He also had a profitable sideline in brandy and gin. Most of the coal
came from the fields in the north east of England, brought in sailing barges
down the east coast. Up to March 1831
there was a duty payable on landed coal even if it was of English origin. This was the reason for the employment of
coal meters but when the Act[119] was repealed in 1831 the meters were made
redundant. The Revenue tried to find
them other jobs but as these were often far removed from Leigh they were not
taken up[120].
Many years later Benjamin Cotgrove was a crew member on the collier
Albert of Whitstable when he fell overboard and was drowned in North Shields in
1870. [121] There must have also been a few shipments of
lime or chalk to or from the Lime Kiln on Leigh Hill and there were a few barges a year of clay
for the Victoria Potteries.
There
was much smuggling but most of this took place in the narrow waters north of
Leigh in the Rivers Crouch and Roach.
Near Leigh the estuary was too open and too busy. In November 1807 one incident involved
William Pledger of Great Wakering whose daughter was to marry the son of the
landlord of “The Castle” inn at Little Wakering, John Monk senior. Several members of the Monk family were
latter to marry into the Cotgroves.
William and his mate John Miller were on board their peter boat
“Endevour” in Potten River, a creek north of Wakering when they were caught red
handed by the King’s Boat [122]from Burnham with ten casks of Geneva
and one cask of Brandy. I accordance
with the normal procedure they appeared before the local Magistrate and Pledger
was fined £100. [123]
The fact he was able to pay this large fine - at that time a working man
would be lucky to earn £50 to £70 in a whole year - must have indicated that he
had either already made several successful landings or had a rich
benefactor. John Monk at “The Castle”
would have fitted that description. The
fact that their children knew each other, that Monk kept the local pub and that
he was probably the intended receiver of the gin and brandy in the first
place made him the most likely person. .
For
some reason Miller was bound over to appear at the Quarter Sessions but before
the Court met he enlisted on board HMS Barracouter and thus avoided punishment,
a procedure which was perfectly legal.
It seems that Pledger had something to do with this as he claimed and
received a bounty for introducing a volunteer to the Navy![124]
The
usually case was a boat seen raising a few tubs of gin from a pre arranged
hiding place. By the time the Customs’
boat was alongside the gin had been sunk again and the crew swore that they
were just dredging for oysters. Another ploy upon sighting the Excise boat was
to head for the local Customs House where they would maintain that they had
just dredged up these tubs by accident and were taking then to the Customs to
claim the reward. In most cases these
pleas were in vain and all aboard would be prosecuted which resulted in a fine
of £100 which they could seldom pay.
They thus became Crown Debtors in Chelmsford Goal[125] for an indefinite period, let out only when at
least part of the fine was paid or the Customs considered that they had learnt
their lesson. Only the more serious
cases were heard in the Exchequer Court in London.
The
Customs & Excise also had control of the Coast Guard which had been part of
the Royal Navy but in the 1830s had became part of the force used by the
Customs to control smuggling. The
Revenue boats and the Riders were part of this force. In 1844 the Inspecting Commander of Custom
& Excise reported that the single boat, the “Onyx”, moored in the Leigh
Swash for part of the time appeared to be inadequate to control smuggling.[126] Mr King, the Comptroller for over 30 years at
Leigh, admitted that he had only once had definite proof[127] of smuggling in his “patch” of 18 miles
between Shoebury and Hole Haven but that he suspected that much contraband was
brought ashore without his knowledge. He thought it likely that much of this
contraband was in fact stolen from the true smugglers by the 60 Leigh shrimpers
who dredged up the sunken tubs of gin while about their normal trawling. With the daily voyages of these 60 boats
there was plenty of opportunity to make arrangement with the smugglers to bring
their liqueur ashore on a quiet stretch of coast. In fact he knew quite a few fishermen who he
suspected of smuggling although he did not disclose any names. The doubling of the number of small fishing
boats stationed at Leigh over the past six years had greatly increased the
risk.
As
a result of this report six Coast Guard men were stationed at Leigh. The Revd. Eden offered to build a row of six
cottages but withdrew it when informed of the meagre rent that the Customs were
prepared to pay. As we shall learn
later it was one of these new men who caught Charles Cotgrove red handed with
his crew and a small quantity of contraband in 1849.
The
Revenue had a network of informers and it was one of these or someone with a
grudge who tipped off the Revenue that Golden Thompson of Leigh was a person to
watch. In January 1858 a certain Mr Chapman of Rochford
informed the Customs at Chelmsford that Golden Thompson was worth
investigating. John Thomas Chapman was
the landlord of the King's Head Inn in West Street, Rochford and he also farmed
some twenty acres in the village.[128]
He may have had a retainer from the Customs to report possible Revenue
infringements but it is more likely that he fell out with Thompson over some
deal and was now seeking his revenge. A
warrant was obtained and Thompson's house and yard in Leigh searched. Golden was away in London on business, so
said his wife, Eliza, née Cotgrove and moreover she knew nothing of his
business affairs. Just as well. They found two casks under a bed; one with 7
gallons of rum and the other with 5 gallons of Hollands (Gin). In due course Golden was arrested and
charged. At Court at Rochford 12th February
1858 he was fined one quarter of the standard set fine for smuggling. £25 out of £100. This was because of his previous good
conduct. This is not what the Customs
man had reported to his boss in London.
He told of several other casks, empty, of the same foreign manufacturer
found on the premises and reported that this was obviously a well run concern
of long standing. Golden was able to
pay his fine which represented about three months pay to a normal working man
of that time. He either had good friends
or his “business” had done very well in the past. The contraband was sold and the arresting
officer and John Chapman each got a reward.[129]
There
were also other methods of earning a pound or two although not a very honest
one. The Leigh men knew every sandbank
and creek in the Thames like the back of
their own hands. They used this
knowledge to catch a few who were not as knowledgeable. On suitable tides and weather it was not
unknown for a few boats to be found moored
in the estuary in such a formation so as to indicate to the unwary that
the deep channel was between them. In
fact this was not so but a sand bank.
The ship having grounded the Leigh men would offer assistance to lighten
the ship before the tide and currents could wreck the trapped ship. This would be an unlikely result of the
grounding but the Captain was already shown himself to be ignorant of the sea
conditions in the area and was only too eager to get off before he was
embarrassed further. Under the
direction of the Leigh men valuable cargo, not likely to be damaged be the sea
was jettisoned and the ship floated off.
With the ship safely on its way the Leigh men awaited low tide to
salvage the results of their deception.
Not many Captains fell for the trick but the profits made it worth a
try. Coal was a favourite target. In 1873 the schooner “Ellen” found herself
aground and offered £90 if the fishermen could get her off within 24 hours. This they succeeded in doing within the day.[130]
In
1840 six men including Golden Thompson officially claimed salvage money for
coal saved from the Brig “Edwin” while grounded on the Nore Sands. The Customs denied that any moneys were
due, either from them or the owner and the men let the matter drop but this
looks like a failed attempt to benefit from others' misfortune. [131]
Thompson was related to the Cotgroves by marriage but although he
sometimes claimed to be a fisherman his
main activity seems to have been “dealing”.
There
was an official reward scale from the Keeper of Wrecks who held a sale once a
year. This was 66% of the sale price,
although this was reduced under great protest in 1888 to 50%. At that time chains and anchors raised 2
shillings per hundredweight and coal one pound a ton.[132] Even if the cargo was lost by accident
worthwhile rewards could be obtained. In
`1886 eight Leigh boats shared £75 for finding a 12 ton chain and anchor.[133]
[1] . Click on the
number to the left, slightly above the line to return to main text.
[2]. Later research has
located letters, still in the family, by Golden to his mother at the time of
his being "presst". These
show that in spite of his own claims as reported in the press at the time of his
death, he was not presst into the Navy until 1806. These facts can be proved by Ships Logs and
Pay Books.
[3] "The History of Rochford Hundred" by Philip Benton
[4]. Up to 1st January 1752 New Year's Day was
25th March. Thus the months of January, February
and most of March were part of the previous year. To avoid errors dates between 1st January and
24th March are always shown in the form 1690/1.
i.e. 1690 by the old calendar and
1691 by today's calendar. In September
1752 11 days were omitted from the calendar for that year to correct errors in
the length of the year. Thus 2nd
September was followed by the 14th.
The Treasury always started their
financial year on the 25th March and being traditionalists refused to change,
so they just added the 11 days to the 25th March and started the Financial Year
on 6th April !
[5] Boyd's Marriage Index at Society of Genealogists
[6] Hearth Tax Returns are at the County Record Office, Chelmsford
and at the PRO London
[7] "The Dutch on Canvey Island" by Robin Whittaker, Polytechnic of Central
London. Essex CRO.
[8]. "The Dutch Community in London and South East Essex in the
17th Century ....." by Mrs Jos. H. Knightley. Thesis. Essex CRO.
[9]. State Papers Domestic 1628. SP16/93 Doc. No.2.
[10]. "The Dutch Community in London and South East Essex in the 17th
Century ....." by Mrs Jos H. Knightley. Thesis. Essex CRO.
[11]. P.H.Reaney "English Surnames".
[12] Reported by Richard McGregor; details not known.
[13]. Essex Will of Richard Cotgrave proved 17th May 1616 and of Thomas
Betts 1637 D/AEW/20/101. Also PCC of Thomas Cotgrave died 1654
[14]. Waverton, Christleton and Netherleigh of Cheshire.
[15]. See article in Cheshire Sheaf. April and May 1902. Also see
Visitation of Cheshire 1580, page 68.
[16]. See picture in Heralds of England by Wagner, page194.
[17]. See article by Dr Peter
Cotgreave in Family Tree Magazine, July 1995.
Vol. 11, Number 9.
[18]. See article Cheshire Sheaf 1902 as Ref 9.
[19]. Read 'A Family from Flanders' by John Peters. Collins 1985 for more
details and a an excellent example of a family history. Also 'The Dutch in the
17th Century' by K.H.D. Haley, Thames
& Hudson 1972.
[20]. 'Legends of Leigh' by Sheila Pitt-Stanley, Ian Henry Publications,
1989. Includes reproduction of a painting by Vic Ellis 'The Mayflower off
Leigh, July 1620. The exact identity of
the Mayflower is not known. see The Mayflower by Kate Caffrey publ.
Andre Deutsch.
[21]. The villages of Bodegrave and
Savmmerdame on 17th Feb
1673.
[22]. Treaty of Westminster.
[23]. 12th June 1672. Declaration for Subjects of the United
Provinces to Settle in England. Public
Record Office, State Papers Domestic Car
II 311 No. 83-86. The United Provinces
were the part of Holland to the north forming what we now call The Netherlands.
[24]. 1st Nov. 1672
Dutch Oyster men arrested. State
Papers Domestic.
[25]. 11th Jan 1673 Warrents issued to arrest all
passengers from Flanders & Holland except those wishing to settle. State
Papers Domestic.
[26]. State Papers Domestic CarII 362 No.80.
[27]. See PCC Will of Benjamin Cotgreave proven
1711 Ref PROB11/522 He was a son of Jonathon (1640-1710). He had a brother Samuel in Westminster.
[28]. See Will of Robert
Cotgreave of Christleton, near Chester, made 1637 where he mentions "My
sonne Thomas Cottegreave uppon his reborne into England.
[29] . E-mail from Dr Peter Cotgreave,
I do not know why either of them is
referred to as being born in 1655. I have no evidence for the birth of
either of them, although it is true that both would have been born around this
time. One was a barber surgeon in
(a) he had a son called Thomas who survived until 1711 and a son John (born in
Cheshire in 1683) who ended up in Staffordshire and maintained a sufficient
link with Cheshire to be admitted a freeman of Chester (on the hereditary basis
that his father had been one)
(b) he was almost certainly literate (at least some of his brothers were) and
probably spelled his own name Cotgreave.
The other Benjamin was the one you know about, mentioned in Elinor Cotgreave's
will, made in 1669 and proved shortly after her death in 1671. His father,
John, was from Warrington, and nothing
more is known about this Benjamin (Eleanor makes bequests to all of John's
children but only Benjamin is mentioned by name - at the moment, this is the
only evidence I have that he ever existed). She and her late husband
Thomas were strong Quakers, which might fit with the story of the Cotgroves
coming from
I think that when we corresponded some years ago, I mentioned that in 1639,
Robert Cotgreave of Christleton made a bequest to a son Thomas "on his
return into
[30]. See Map by John Lies, 1724. Copy in Southend Record Office Ref.
T/M143. Description is given in
proceedings of Southend Antiquarian Society,
Vol. 4, No 1 page 33
[31].
[32]. The
[33]. Southend Standard.
[34]. ibid 4th July 1895.
[35]. ibid 23rd August 1906.
[36]. ibid 7th October 1886.
[37]. Sydney Fredrick, son of Frederick & Emma. Born 1868.
[38]. M.V.Searle in "Down the Line to Southend" page 52. Reported quote from Canon Walker King before
Bell Level Crossing Case 1885/6
[39]. Southend Standard 26th Jan. 1883.
[40]. Tavener's Funeral 1885 as reported in Southend Standard 3rd July
1885.
[41]. Quoted in 'The Romance of Essex Inns' by Glyn Morgan. Page 80.
[42]. See Report of Registar of Friendly Societies in Chelmsford CRO Q/RSf/8. This lists the King's Head as one of
several Societies presenting their rules to the Justices before
registrating. In the case of the King's
Head the procedure was never completed.
[43]. Public Record Office, Kew
CUST101/4. Customs Letter
Book. 13th April 1767.
[44]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/12 Letter 12 Jan 1816. States that Mr Loten,
Head of Customs at Leigh was paid £50 per Quarter.
[45]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/12 27th March 1816 Leigh Coalmeters paid about £150 per year. In May 1816 Phillip Reeve coal meter aged 73
states that he has served 47 years and earned £127-10s-0d per year. This is corrected for 1807-1810 as being £55
per year. @ 2 pence per chaldron.
[46]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/14. Letter No. 6 19th Dec 1820.
[47]. Public Record Office, Kew
CUST101/11 Letter Book
[48]. Southend Standard 27th April 1883.
[49]. ibid 4th August 1879.
Fishermens team was Osborne, Murrell, Partridge & Strange.
[50]. ibid.
[51]. Chelmsford Chronicle 18th Dec. 1874.
[52]. Southend Standard 10th Jan. 1901.
[53]. See 'Old Leigh, A Pictorial Record' by J.F. Bundock.
[54]. As reported by Sheila Pitt-Stanley in her book "Legends of
Leigh" page 38.
[55]. As reported in n article
of unknown date and origin by N. Curnock. Taken from a clipping held by the
family.
[56]. Benton. page 395.
[57]. As reported in the Southend Standard of 13th Sept. 1888. 1st Court held in Southend for Voters'
Registration.
[58]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/4
Customs Letter Book. 23rd Sept.
1767. 3434 pounds of tobacco seized
by the Maldon Customs. Worth £14-6s-2d.
Or about one old penny per pound. Other
hauls were made 28th Oct 1767 and 13090 pounds worth £54-10s-10d on 15th Nov.
1770.
[59]. Ibid. 29th March 1769. Thomas Bull charged with unloading 110
gallons of Genevas (Dutch Gin) at Southend in April 1768.
[60]. As reported by Stan Jarvis in his "Smuggling in East Anglia
1700-1840.
[61]. Chelmsford Chronicle 10th Oct. 1764 as reported in "Smuggling
in East Anglia 1700-1840".
[62]. Hollar's Map of 1666.
[63]. Quoted in Bridges v. Highton 1864. Affidavit 2217. in C31/1791 part
2. PRO.
[64]. As reported by Alwyne Wheeler in "The Tidal Thames". page
80.
[65]. For a contemporary account see Philip Morant “History of Colchester”, 1748
and Jesse Berridge’s article in the “Essex Review” Vol. LII, 1943 , “The Common
-Place book of Mr John Lee”.
[66]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/16. Letter 116 20th Dec 1825. Reports that French are taking oysters from
off Granville, Jersey after British boats have found them. None
or very few oysters off British shores says Mr Richmond of Burnham.
[67]. See Sessional Paper of House of Common. Memorials received since January 1832 on
aggressions by French Fishermen. Public
Record Office, Kew Ref. ZHC1/1229.
1837-38 [143] Vol. LII 201 and Report of Select Committee on British
Channel Fishing. Public Record Office, Kew Ref. ZHC1/1082 1833[676] Vol.XIV 67.
[68]. First used by Mr Outing in 1700. Reported in Southend Standard, 3rd
March 1910.
[69]. In 1865 Mr. M.A. Buckland told the Sea Fisheries Commission that
small oysters could after a few years be turned into “natives” but by the
present century it was realised that different species were involved. See “Essex Gold” by Hervey Benham.
[70]. See leases in Public Record Office, Chancery Lane. CRES6/55,
CRES58/420. E367/5955, /4993 (for 1757, includes map showing Swatch)
and /5172
[71]. Correspondence in CUST101/2 General Letter Book 18th March 1738
[72]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/7.
Customs Letter Book. 10th March
1790.
[73]. Ibid. Letter No. 48 30th
April 1790 “11 Cargos of oysters in
Lady Quarter”
[74]. In 1863 J.G. Baxter, oyster merchant, told the Royal Commission on
Sea fisheries that no spat had fallen six years in his area of the Thames.
[75]. See Southend Standard 24th March 1910.
[76]. See Southend Standard 10th November 1910.
[77]. Details given by Mr Loten on his appointment Feb. 1786. PRO CUST101/6 Letter No. 10. in Customs letter out book
[78]. ibid Letter 75 Sept. 1786
relates that Mr Loten requires 60 registration forms, which is more than he had
been sent. He also seeks clarification
of which boats should be registered., as he has many under 15 tons but still
having decks even those of 4 or 5 tons of which Leigh has many. The HQ in London replies, as recorded in the
in letter book CUST101/31 Oct. 1786, that all decked vessels are to be
registered irrespective of burden
[79]. Maldon Custom Letter Book for Sept. 1786. Letters 75 & 76 PRO Kew CUST101/6
[80]. Maldon Customs Letter book for Nov. 1792 Letters No 60 & 92 PRO Kew CUST101/8
[81]. Public Record Office, Kew BT107/186. Boat Registrations for Maldon which covered
most Leigh boats.
[82]. There is no mention of cockles in 1848 White's Directory nor in
Pigot's 1839 Essex, Herts & Middlesex Directory although oysters and shrimps
are.
[83]. Financial Times. April 25/26
1992. page XII. Refers to Morecambe Bay, Lancs.
[84]. 1848 White's Directory of Essex. Published 1993 by Essex FHS on
microfiche
[85]. Chelmsford Chronicle. 8th April 1870.
[86]. Chelmsford Chronicle. 11th August 1865.
[87]. See Southend Standard 26th July 1906, 2nd & 23rd August 1906.
[88]. Report of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the Sea
Fisheries of the United Kingdom. Vol. II Minutes of Evidence & index. 1866.
[89]. Quoted by M.V.Searle in 'Down the Line to Southend' page 24.
[90]. Customs & Excise Letter Book
PROCUST101/21 19th Feb 1844 et seq.
[91]. Chelmsford Chronicle 11th Nov. 1870.
[92]. More details of the history of Leigh fishing is given in "Once
Upon a Tide", by Hervey Benham.
[93]. M.V. Searle page 126.
[94]. Mr Harvey quoted in Leigh-on-Sea News 27th June 1936.
[95]. Daily Telegraph 4th Feb. 1991.
[96]. The boats used by the Leigh fishermen are described in 'Sailing
Craft of East Anglia' by Roger Finch & Hervey Benham. Terence Dalton Ltd
1987. Some early type are depicted in 'Old Leigh - a Pictorial History' by John
F.Bundock. Phillimore 1978.
[97]. The 1834 Custom & Excise Letter
Books, Public Record Office, Kew. CUST101/18-19 records “open boats”, “half
decked boats”, “half deck peter boat”
(“Tory” owned by John Gilson), as well as “shrip boats”(“Lark”) and a yawl
“Good Intent”. Some of the open boats
had “sprit sails or half sprit sails.
[98]. Southend Standard 15th April 1886.
[99]. Southend Standard 11th Oct 1888 in reporting death of George
Cotgrove in the five year old "GMAC".
[100]. Southend Standard 27th Jan 1887. Dench ran down by barge. Lost
boat worth £200 and £4/10 per week catch.
[101]. Chelmsford Chronicle 20th Dec 1872. Geo Smith v. Edward Monk,
sued for back rent. Also in 1876 a
sale notice gave the rent income of a cottage in High St. as £5/year or only
2/- per week. This cottage was occupied by John Cotgrove.
[102]. Chelmsford Chronicle 6th May 1870. Boat off France with catch of
50 gallons.
[103]. Chelmsford Chronicle 14th Jan 1859. Give details of rail charges
and catches.
[104]. The exact identity of the Mayflower has
never been proved. A suitable ship of
that name which was part owned by John Vassall of Stepney and later of Leigh
and Eastwood and most sources accept this as the ship of the Pilgrim
Fathers. Whether she called at Leigh in
1620 is even less certain but at one time she had called there. See The
Mayflower by Kate Caffrey publ.
Andre Deutsch.
[105]. Taken from the printed volumes of the
Treasury Calendar, 1665- 1700. Copies in
Public Record Office, Kew
[106]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/14 Letter no 89
30th May 1820. John Harridge
is Sitter in Harbour boat at Leigh.
[107]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/12. Letter 12th Jan 1816.
[108]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/13. Letter 18th Jan. 1818 Capt was paid £250 per year.
[109]. The Log Book of the Maldon Jerquer survives from about 1841 to
1893 but this lists only about 20 - 50 ships each year, mainly those inbound
from for foreign Ports. The cargo was
usually oilcake, wheat, deal(timber) or oats.
In the 1850’s P.Richmond in the “Amity” was a frequent importer of
oysters from Ostend while the Providence, a Cotgrove boat often brought oysters from Jersey. It is not clear if the book covers only
Maldon or all of the ports in the Maldon area. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/92
[110]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/16 Letter 138 2nd Dec 1824.
[111]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/15. 11th Feb. 1822. By
law passed 12 Anne a Chaldron held 36
Winchester Bushels humped up and weighed 27 cwt. (Coal) . There was also a larger Newcastle Chaldron
of 53 Bushels.
[112]. Public Record Office, Kew
CUST101/14 Letter No.25 3rd Jan 1821.
The Meters at Leigh complained that they were no longer required across the
river at Rochester which would mean a great loss of wages. Letter in CUST101/14. 12th Oct. 1819 states that earning could
reach £150 per year. The Comptroller at
Leigh confirmed that these men in 1821 took £80 per year from their Kent work
and more from Essex jobs.
[113]. Customs Letter Books 12th
Feb. 1734. Public Record Office, Kew
CUST101/1
[114]. Customs Letter Books.
March and April 1819 Public
Record Office, Kew CUST101/13
[115]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/12 Letter
[116]. Public Record Office, Kew
CUST101/11. Letter Book. No. 64,
83 & 84. About Sept. 1810. Mr Charles Bull was reported by John
Robinson, Overseer of Southminster for 6 years.
Bull had just asked for a rise as he had taken no smugglers for some
years which would have boosted his pay.
18th May 1810.
[117]. Customs Letter Books 18th
Sept. 1735. Public Record Office, Kew
CUST101/1
[118]. Memory of his grandson, Henry Thompson.
[119]. 1 & 2 William (1831)
c16. Removed Coast Duty on Coals & Slate & Culm. See also Public
Record Office, Kew CUST101/52 Letter No.
44
[120]. Public Record Office,
Kew CUST101/18 page 7 25th Jan. 1832. Jobs offered in Southampton, Bristol or
Hull.
[121]. See report in South Shields Gazette 19th March 1870. Also GRO
Death March Quarter 1870.
[122]. The official name for the boat used by the Customs Officers.
[123]. Customs Letter Books
25th Nov. 1807 letter no. 77.
Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/11
[124]. Ibid. 20th June 1808.
[125]. Public Record Office, Kew CUST101/16 21st Sept. 1826. Debtor were not given food while in gaol
and had to buy their own. In 1826 one & a half pound of bread cost 31/4
pence and small beer 1 1/2 per quart. From 4th Aug. 1825 the Customs would pay
their Debtors 7 1/2 per day to buy food.
[126]. Customs & Exise letter books Public
Record Office, Kew CUST101/21 19th Feb 1844.
[127]. ibid
CUST101/20. 5th June 1837.
[128]. 1861 Census Return for
Rochford. RG9/1085.
[129]. ibid
CUST101/23 letters Jan and Feb.
1858
[130]. Southend Standard 28th Feb. 1873
[131]. Custom & Exsise letter book Public Record
Office, Kew Ref CUST101/21 Page 101.
[132]. Southend Standard 4th Oct 1988